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Exploring Girls Narratives in Competition-Based
Educational Robotics
Thomas Kennedy, Memorial University of Newfoundland, Canada
Abstract
The purpose of this study was to explore the perceived sense of comfort and belonging of girl
participants, aged 15-16, engaged within a school-based offering of the Marine Education
Advanced Education (MATE) underwater remotely operated vehicle (ROV) program (MATE-
ROV). MATE-ROV is a competition-based educational robotics (ER) program that can offer
experiences in the design, fabrication, and testing of an original ROV similar to what one would
experience in relevant sectors of the marine industry. A qualitative case study design was
selected to document and analyze participant narratives and explore their sense of belonging
within the intragroup and intergroup contexts. With a purposeful sample of 5 (N=5), the study
gathered data using a three-phased approach with data collected through the use of
questionnaires, interviews and observations. The study sought to answer the overarching
research question: How do experiences in educational robotics impact feelings of comfort and
belonging for girl participants? Three primary findings emerged from this qualitative study.
First, intragroup relationships foster a connected social identity that can support comfort and
belonging. Second, a connected social identity does not automatically build a perceived
expansiveness in comparable groups. Third, successful domain performance or effectiveness
does not compensate for the potential impact of stereotype threat.
Keywords
Case Study, Social Identity Development, Educational Robotics, MATE-ROV, STEM Capital
Introduction
The Marine Education Advanced Education (MATE) underwater remotely operated vehicle
(ROV) competition, or simply MATE-ROV, is an international program designed to engage
participants in technological activity grounded in marine-based disciplines. School-based,
educational robotics groups work over an extended period to design and prototype an original
ROV-based solution to perform underwater tasks or missions. Each year, new parameters are
published in a scope document that outline the limitations where each innovative solution can
be quite different. The MATE-ROV program offers a unique opportunity where participants are
able to work collaboratively within their local setting but also compete at a regional
competition against other schools, a comparable structure to varsity athletic programs.
Participants can therefore develop technological capacity and gauge their place within the
larger population at competition.
Calipso Robotics is one such school-based MATE-ROV program at a small K12 school (student
population 155) in eastern Canada. Over the course of three years, an anomaly occurred within
the local group whereby the team became all-girl despite being open to boys as well. The
phenomenon became more irregular as the group competed at provincial competition as the
first all-girl team and even earned top score in the product demonstration in their third year of
competition. The following qualitative case study captures their unique narrative as they reflect
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on their sense of comfort and belonging in robotics and their experiences within the local
school-based program (intragroup) versus their experiences at competition amid the larger
population (intergroup).
Literature review
Educational Robotics (ER) is a means to offer early experiences in science, technology,
engineering, and mathematics (STEM) (Cano, 2022) where participants actively engage in some
aspect of designing, prototyping, programming, and controlling a robot. Zuhrie et al. (2021)
published a literature review to highlight emergent themes across the field of study. Their
review supported two foundational elements common to the majority of ER programs. First,
they are based on a project-based learning approach but programs can range from the
assembly of a kit to the innovative prototyping of an original system. Second, they foster some
degree of STEM-based skill development that can range from programming to construction to
electronics. ER programs have gained a foothold in many schools as large-scale competitions
gain popularity on an international level (Cano, 2022; Sullivan & Bers, 2019; Zuhrie et al., 2021).
Competition-based ER was noted to develop “practical skills through the direct practice of
operating robots” (Zuhrie et al., 2021, p. 6). Brancalião et al. (2022) processed 673 papers that
covered 50 competitions in their comprehensive literature review. Their work found that
robotics competitions commonly featured aspects of industry. Participants build a robot to
perform some activity based in real-world problems, work in teams, and develop hard and soft
skills.
Research can be found that explore comparable contexts to this study, experiences of similarly
aged participants engaged in ER programs that feature competition. One of the largest ER
competitions is the Vex Robotics Competition (VRC) (Brancalião et al., 2022). Stewardson et al.
(2018) published a study to look at participation in VRC which boasts over 18 000 teams
worldwide. Their work connected the concept of self-efficacy as an indicator to predict success.
The study found that the number of seasons of participation had a positive impact on perceived
self-efficacy, a construct that is essential for choosing pathways that lead to further STEM-
based activity and even careers. Another study based within the realm of VRC sought to
examine the experiences of male and female participants to gain insight regarding the causes of
attrition amongst girls across school-based programs. Sullivan and Bers (2019) conducted their
study based on the experiences of program mentors and participants engaged in VRC across
the United States. Their findings confirmed the lack of girls at the mentor and participant levels.
It was also noted that girl participants had greater concern regarding the social repercussions
associated with participation in ER, an area where they lacked confidence. They expressed fear
of embarrassment and estrangement. They also communicated a perceived sense that the boys
were entering with more experience, especially as it relates to aspects of fabrication.
A Sociological Perspective
As participants collaborate, they form a group of individuals that are interdependent for the
attainment of a common goal. Literature to explore the sociological perspective of group
dynamics pre-dates any implementation of ER programming. Turner (1982) noted that
interdependence leads to cooperative social interaction and cohesion where members become
bound to each other, the group as a whole, and the activity at hand. Intragroup relations can be
characterized by (1) a perceived similarity of members, (2) social cohesion, (3) positive self-
esteem, (4) emotional empathy, (5) cooperation, and (6) uniform attitude / behaviour (Turner,
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1982, p.29). Intragroup relationships denote the dynamics within a single group. It involves the
behaviours, attitudes and general group cohesion of a single unit. The cohesion that forms
during group activity can support feelings of comfort and connectedness. Wenger (2000)
described the intragroup connectedness as “a lived sense of belonging (or not belonging)” (p.
239), a construct that is strengthened through shared histories and experiences. But, his work
noted that connectedness is just one of three qualities that support a balanced social identity.
The expansive and effective pillars support the building of positive self-concept within the
larger community. An expansive identity is one that would be accepted within comparable
groups that value similar competencies. An effective identity supports engagement with
performance within this intergroup context.
Wenger’s (2000) work suggested that a balanced social identity is a construct that is grounded
and strengthened in local experience but universal enough to foster a sense of belonging within
the greater domain. Individuals move away from their immediate peer group to interact with
others that may share similar values. Intergroup experiences describe the behaviours, attitudes,
perceptions, and interactions between two or more distinct groups. These experiences can be
limited in non-competition-based programs as groups are not given the opportunity to interact
with their counterparts from other schools or regions. This limitation can often negatively
impact intergroup perceptions. Brown and Ross’ (1982) earlier work commented on this
limitation, noting that feelings of bias and antipathy between groups are proportional to
perceived threat to their social standing. ER programs such as MATE-ROV afford participants
unique intergroup experiences where they are able to situate themselves within the larger field
of robotics and evaluate their self-concept and sense of belonging.
STEM Capital
Archer et al. (2015) sought to understand how the various types of capital support engagement
and participation in science. Their work focused on the scientific forms of cultural and social
capital, or science capital, and its uneven distribution within society. The study calculated a
science capital score based on survey data from 3658 participants, aged 11-15 years, basing
their analysis on indicators regarding scientific forms of cultural capital; science-related
behaviours and practices; and science-related forms of social capital (p.929). Participants were
placed into three groups according to their exhibited level of science capital: low, medium, and
high. Low science capital was defined as those students with limited scientific literacy, less
engagement with extra-curricular science activities, and social networks with limited science-
related jobs. High science capital was defined as those students with developed scientific
literacy and access to science-related cultural and social resources (p. 936). Higher levels of
science capital were found to be more concentrated among boys. Archer et al. (2015) found a
direct correlation between science capital and science identity whereby participants with high
science capital were secure in their perceived belonging in the field and felt the identity was
validated by others. Those participants with low science capital felt that others did not view
them as a science person (p.938). Similarly, students with higher science capital were more
confident in their science abilities. The authors noted a trend for medium science capital
student, 67% of their participants, to be representative of a larger sample and remained unsure
of their science identity despite having medium level of confidence in their abilities. Low
science capital students, 27% of their participants, were identified as primarily female and while
they may find science interesting, they do not consider themselves to be that type of person.
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Later research conducted by Archer et al. (2020) continued to explore the factors shaping
aspirations and identities building on his conceptualization of science capital and even
acknowledging a broader notion of STEM capital (p.8). The second phase of their large-scale
study in England, ASPIRES 2, found that high levels of science capital were likely to translate to
positive attitudes towards the four subcategories of STEM. As the findings of ASPIRES 2
underscored the impact on the larger field of STEM, it brings the relevance closer to the current
study. The longitudinal research supported the trend that boys, in particular, having family
members with science qualifications and / or jobs were more likely to aspire to a career in
science. Additionally, Archer and colleagues wrote of the trend for engagement to be shaped by
the participant’s science-related self-concept. Science self-concept was determined to decrease
as students progressed through secondary school, aligning with the age of the participants in
this study. The survey data showed that while STEM clubs were associated with higher trends
of positive attitudes, the responses from some girls described their discomfort in attending
such programming when they were dominated by boys. But, when science is largely considered
a masculine pursuit, it is not surprising that the science self-concept of girls was reported to be
significantly lower than the boys.
Gendered Programming
Exposure to technology activity could work to establish an early sense of belonging in technical
work. Sultan et al. (2023) conducted a study of a three-day technology camp for Swedish
teenage girls where activities were re-designed to be girlified “the act of making otherwise
not gendered artefacts girly…transformed from a male or neutral to a more feminine coded
object (Discussion, para. 2). The authors found that participants who had already established a
self-concept of being technical did not find the efforts to girlify the activity appealing. Their
findings also highlighted the social connection that exists between participants whereby
participants feel a sense of belonging and technical capacity because of a supportive social
context.
Girls are rarely the dominant demographic in STEM-based programs without gender-based
interventions. Kim et al. (2018) published an empirical research focused on the STEM-based
experiences of girls which highlighted the importance of supportive relationships. Interpersonal
connections work to foster the development of self-esteem and counter the trend for girls to
inaccurately rate their own competencies. They proposed that programs must create and
maintain a balanced perspective of what constitutes the ingroup or prototypical identity to
combat the attrition of girl participants. Cano (2022) conducted a recent mixed-methods study
to design a methodological approach for teaching STEM-skills through ER with a gender focus.
Their study highlighted the trend for females to develop a sense of estrangement in STEM-
based contexts and to be more passive when tasked with the fabrication of robots. The findings
underscored the potential for gender-focused ER-based workshops to foster interest and
curiosity in girls where they noted an increase in participation. Hernandez et al. (2017) reported
results of a theory-driven mentoring program to support female students enrolled in post-
secondary STEM majors. The findings of their study were based on their mentorship of eighty-
five participants and suggested that to develop professional identity, learners must see
themselves as professionals, become a part of the community and be recognized by their
mentors. They found that girls can experience social barriers that “undermine their scientific
development, motivation, and persistence in STEM education and career pathways” (p. 10).
Girls who received explicit mentorship reported higher levels of scientific identity and interest.
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Yet, literature also proposes that efforts to create gender-focused programming can perpetuate
stereotypes and appear condescending. Watermeyer’s (2012) three-year ethnographic and
longitudinal study found that same-sex programs in STEM “served not to reverse but reproduce
and accentuate the manifestation of gender inequality” (p. 696). Gender-focused programming
seek to stimulate scientific interest amongst girls but risk imposing gendered identity and
perpetuating the ingroup. At the institutional level, Allen and Eisenhart (2017) proposed that
the historical narrative has contributed to poor identity development for girls in STEM-related
disciplines. Their ethnographic and longitudinal study focused on four young women as they
“negotiated STEM-related identities in the discursive and practice contexts of their lives at
school” (p. 407). Findings from their study highlighted the need to address the intersection of
gender and STEM more explicitly at the institutional level to allow opportunity to those groups
that remain underrepresented. Their work noted a similar concern that addressing girl STEM
identity development with gender-based solutions may be misleading and assumptive. Later
work by Goreth and Vollmer (2022) echoed a similar position that the existing gender gap in
technological domains cannot be reduced to gender-focused programming. Their findings
highlighted that the interest in STEM is strengthened through technical socialization and
compulsory technology education courses, regardless of gender identity. The authors noted
that the implementation of technology education curriculum for all could help sensitize
supporters to the topic to help establish the self-concept of girls in STEM (p.1693).
Sparks (2017) warned that assumptions made of individuals based on their demographic do not
account for their lived experiences. His work explored the potential for gender-based solutions
to impede girls in STEM in two ways. First, it may steer them away from gender specific
programming where they do not feel comfortable. He noted that interventions cannot be
reduced to a pipeline perspective that “erroneously suggests that the more girls who are
stuffed into one end, the more that will turn out of the other end of the pipe to complete their
degree and chose STEM as a lifelong career” (p.12). Second, individuals may respond by
adapting to the gendered spaces by temporarily suspending aspects of their identity to conform
to their environment and ensure acceptance. For example, a girl engineering student may feel
they must enjoy video games and be ‘geekish’ to fit the prototypical identity or risk social
repercussions. Earlier literature on stereotype threat offers a similar perspective, where
stereotype threat is the “socio-psychological ... situational threat ... that can affect members of
any group about whom a negative stereotype exists” (Steele, 1997, p. 614) where an individual
“is concerned about being judged or treated negatively on the basis of this stereotype”
(Spencer et al., 2016, p. 416). Pressure to outperform and disprove stereotype threat, especially
by the vanguard, can be daunting. Spencer et al. (2016) named three aspects of stereotype
threat that can lead to underperformance. First, underperformance may result from extra
pressure to succeed. Second, underperformance may result from threats to self-integrity and
belonging where participants may self-handicap to protect themselves. Third,
underperformance may result from priming the stereotype. Beyond the potential for
underperformance, Spencer et al. (2016) also noted the potential for stereotype threat to
influence an individual’s sense of belonging and their motivation to engage and commit to any
given domain.
The literature review was a scoped exploration of potentially meaningful themes associated
with the context of this study. It sought to examine existing themes within the field of study in
relation to (1) educational robotics, (2) social identity, (3) STEM capital, and (4) gendered
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programming. The review has offered a preliminary lens to examine the lived experiences
presented by the study participants.
Research Question
The purpose of this study was to capture, analyse, and discuss the narratives of a group of girls
engaged in educational robotics at the intragroup and intergroup contexts. Their narratives can
speak to the unobservable, their perceived sense of comfort and self-concept. Sparks (2017)
noted that the first step to addressing the attrition of girls in STEM-related activity is to conduct
more qualitative studies to explore the development of identity within these contexts.
This study was conducted to explore a sociological perspective as participants reflect on their
intra- and inter-group belonging. The findings of this study offer insight that is applicable to
comparable programming across jurisdictional boundaries (i.e.. Ministries of Education, School
Districts, School Boards, Schools). The main research question that guided this study was: How
do experiences in educational robotics impact feelings of comfort and belonging for girl
participants?
Methodology
A qualitative case study design was selected to analyse emergent themes from an in-depth
exploration of participant experiences within an educational robotics program. Flyvberg (2011)
noted the potential for case study to emphasize an intentional object of study, a phenomenon
that justifies further exploration. The ER program at the centre of this study exhibited an all-girl
ingroup which did not align with the trend for robotics to be a typically masculine activity. The
case fulfilled the three conditions outlined by Yin (2014) whereby (1) the study’s research
question seeks to understand a singularity, (2) the study does not separate the phenomenon
from its context, and (3) the study focuses on a contemporary case rather than an historical
one. An understanding of this phenomenon may offer insight for similar programs that seek to
address the underrepresentation and attrition of girls.
Participants
The participants of this study formed a purposeful sample where eligibility was based on
candidate membership in the educational robotics program, Calipso Robotics, from 2016-2019.
There were 5 candidates eligible for the study with all 5 (N=5) agreeing to participate. Miles et
al. (2014) noted that it is common for qualitative studies to work with such small groups
especially as it highlights a phenomenon. All participants were in grade 10 (age 15/16) at the
time of the study and reflected on their experiences from grades 7-9 (ages 12-14). The
participants were assigned pseudonyms - Chloe, Olivia, Isabella, Jessica, Emily - in order to
reference specific experiences across the data analysis narrative.
Data Collection
A multiphase design for the data collection process was adopted for this case study where the
focus was to gather thick, richly descriptive data to document the lived experiences of each
participant. All instruments used to collect data were original and drafted to include protocols.
Phase I began with a questionnaire. The protocol featured prompts such as: “How did you get
started in robotics?”, “Please describe your experiences within the extra-curricular robotics
program.”, and “Please describe your comfort level participating in technical activities like
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robotics and competing at the provincial level.”. The questionnaire was distributed to
participants digitally and designed to aid in the initialization of participant profiles and gather
preliminary perspectives.
Next, phase II continued with an interview that was designed to be semi-structured and
flexible. The protocol was drafted to probe for deeper understanding. The interview was
conducted in a face-to-face, one-on-one capacity where each participant was able to offer their
narrative independently of the group. The protocol included questions and prompts such as: “In
what ways did collaboration with peers influence your experiences?”, “What factors have
influenced you to come back [to educational robotics] each year?”, and “In what way, if any, do
you adopt a different identity when engaged in [educational robotics]?. Phase II also included
observations of the participants as they engaged in their program. Observation is a method
commonly used in case studies (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016) which can be used to discover the
complex interactions within the context of the study (Bloomberg & Volpe, 2016).
Phase III marked the final step in the data collection process where participants were given the
opportunity to review their data. Each participant completed this phase with no edits to be
made to the data. This step was an important piece to ensuring the data captured an accurate
representation of their lived experience and voice.
Data Analysis
Miles et al. (2014) stressed “the apparent simplicity of qualitative data masks a good deal of
complexity” (p.11). As expected, the data collection process of this study produced a large
amount of raw data. An analysis plan was created to remain consistent in handling the
voluminous amount of participant narrative. The plan was based upon the work of Braun and
Clarke (2006) that suggested steps for thematic analysis to ensure a systematic approach.
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Table 1. A thematic analysis plan based on the work of Braun and Clarke (2006).
Step
Description
Step I:
Familiarization
Exporting the questionnaire data from the online form.
Transcribing the interview data.
Reading and re-reading the data, noting initial ideas.
Step II:
Generating Codes
Importing data documents into Nvivo software.
Searching for segments that captured an idea or topic
Assigning nodes in a systematic fashion across the data
Step III:
Searching for Themes
Collating nodes into candidate themes
Gathering all data relevant to each candidate theme.
Step IV:
Reviewing Themes
Exporting candidate theme document for review
Checking the candidate themes against the coded data
Generating thematic maps of interconnected node data
Step V:
Defining and Naming Themes
Analyzing to refine the specifics of each theme
Reflecting on the overall story the analysis tells
Generating names for each theme.
Step VI:
Producing the Report
Writing the final analysis
Exporting appropriate maps and figures
Selecting meaningful and purposeful extracts
Producing a scholarly report of the analysis
In Step I, the data analysis began with a focus on familiarizing myself with the data. Braun and
Clarke (2006) underscored the importance of immersing yourself within the data to ensure
familiarity with its “breadth and depth” (p. 87). I began by preparing questionnaire data and
printing a physical copy for a pen-and-paper analysis of initial ideas. I searched for segments
and the use of keywords, making notes along the margins of the document. The notes made
from the questionnaire data was reviewed before moving forward with the interview stage to
ensure my protocol was relevant and suited to their experiences. After conducting the
interviews, I transcribed all digital recordings myself, a process which was highlighted as an
important step to familiarization (Braun & Clarke, 2006). The transcription documents were
printed and analysed in a similar fashion to the questionnaire data. All audio recordings of the
Phase I interview were also reviewed closely for any errors. Preliminary notes taken throughout
this step were used as references to begin the coding process.
Step II of the data analysis process began with the generation of initial codes from the data.
Braun and Clarke (2006) noted the importance of giving full and equal attention to each data
item while coding. Once the questionnaire and transcription documents were imported into my
qualitative analysis software, Nvivo, I coded the data manually, ensuring that all data across the
entire set was coded and collated. The software referred to the codes as nodes, objects created
and pinned to emerging ideas or themes from within the raw data. Nodes were applied to
segments of data that captured an idea or topic which ranged from a few words to larger
segments of text. Ryan and Bernard (2003) suggested processing techniques for working
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through qualitative data. I conducted a digitized version of their cutting and sorting technique
where I leveraged the tools embedded in Nvivo to identify quotes and expressions within the
data. Once coded, I could query the database to determine emerging trends across the entire
data (see Figure 2).
Figure 2. An example of software-based node comparisons of manual coding in Nvivo.
I also used Nvivo to create lists of keywords which Ryan and Bernard (2003) highlighted as an
important technique to indicate what people are saying. This method generated nodes by
exploring the exact words used by participants. Word-based techniques are a fast way to begin
searching for trends in data at the beginning stages of research. It was important to code the
raw data with as many different nodes as may apply during this step, often as simple as
assigning a node to key words and longer data segments. The following nodes are a sample to
represent my emergent coding of interesting features of the data:
Skills Development
Design Process
Teamwork
Friendship
Enjoyment
Competition
Success
At Step III, nodes were clustered to form candidate themes. The nodes can have footings in
various candidate themes as overlap across and within the narratives exists. For example, a
participant could describe their enjoyment as it may relate to collaboration with peers,
engaging in technological activity, and / or experiences at competition. Examples of some
thematic categories included, but were not limited to:
Enjoyment + Friendship + Belonging + Comfort Peer Relationships
Stereotyping + Competition + Peer Group + Discomfort Estrangement
Activity + Environment + Skills + Confidence Belonging
Step IV of the data analysis process reviewed the candidate themes that emerged from the
coded data during the previous phase. It was here that my process transitioned from
manipulative techniques to observational techniques. Ryan and Bernard (2003) suggested that
repetition was one of the easiest ways to identify themes where the more the same concept
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occurs in a text, the more likely it is a theme. Repetition was the primary observational
technique adopted to legitimize candidate themes and was facilitated using the Nvivo software.
Candidate themes that did not have sufficient support within the coded data were dismissed or
integrated into other themes. Braun and Clarke (2006) described two levels to the review and
refining of themes. The first level involves the review of the coded data to ensure that the
generated themes are fitting. If the themes are coherent, the process moves along to the
second level where the themes are reworked to become more appropriate. At the second level,
themes are reanalyzed to ensure they accurately represent the coded extracts from the study.
Themes were reviewed based on their accurate representation of the overall data set.
The final step of the data analysis plan, Step V, sought to define and refine the meaning of each
theme and what aspect of the data set each one represented. Braun and Clarke (2006)
explained that this phase should clearly identify the interest of each theme and highlight its
importance through detailed written analysis. The refinement of the themes will ensure that
the study’s analysis is concise and interconnected. Participant narratives repeatedly focused on
(1) the importance of intragroup connections, (2) the perceived deficit in expansiveness, (3) the
importance of intergroup activity, and (4) the impact of the prototypical identity on perceived
belonging. The following section is an overview of these central themes that represent the lived
experiences of the participants engaged in this qualitative case study.
Analysis
The Importance of Intragroup Connections
All participants identified the presence of their peer group to be the primary reason for initial
engagement in ER. They had been friends before engaging in the program and entered as a
group. Beyond year one, participants attributed their re-engagement to be contingent on the
continued participation of their friends. Participants decided if they were attending from week
to week by first determining who would be present and who had other commitments. If too
many participants were unavailable, the consensus generally leaned towards waiting for the
entire community to be available. Moving forward with their activity was contingent on the
presence of a near-full group of their peers.
When asked explicitly if she would have signed up without her friends, Isabella indicated that
she was unsure:
I didn’t really know much about robots, and like, that wasn’t really what I was interested
in until I started actually going to robotics and learned more about it. And that’s what
engaged my interest. So, if they hadn’t joined in the first place, I probably wouldn’t have
either.
The notion of comfort emerged as an important factor pinned to the presence of pre-program
friends. It was highlighted that comfort was critical in taking risks and making mistakes within
the technical work of the program. Emily highlighted that her comfort level was directly related
to her engagement in technical activity amongst friends:
At first I was a little nervous about joining the team because I didn’t understand the
concepts, but after a while I started to get the hang of it and began to enjoy it a lot more
... my teammates helped me a lot with the learning process and it was very comforting.
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Chloe offered a similar emphasis on the comfort she experienced because of the co-
participation of her peers and the freedom to make mistakes. She noted, “I’m not embarrassed
if I get something wrong because I’m comfortable with my friends so it’s like I’m safe to have an
opinion”.
Isabella expressed that the reengagement of her teammates year-after-year was a motivational
trigger for her own continued participation. Jessica and Chloe shared a similar perspective, in
that their initial engagement was triggered by a shared interest amongst most of their friends
and, like Isabella, were doubtful on their continued participation without their presence. When
asked explicitly if she would return to the program without her friends, Isabella expressed
uncertainty “I think, I ... maybe ... it depends. I think having my friends in robotics makes the
experience better but I also just enjoyed being in robotics”.
Two of the five participants noted the importance of peer group participation for their initial
enrolment in the ER program but have since developed an interest that extends beyond their
peers. Olivia noted that working alongside her friends as teammates made her engagement
within maker activity fun and when asked explicitly if she would return without her friends,
Olivia answered “yeah, because I like it”. She had developed an interest in the activity that
could exist without the co-participation of her peer group. Emily shared a similar perspective on
the importance of her friends for her initial engagement but indicated she would continue to
participate without them within her local program and went as far as to state she would engage
within a similar group in other jurisdictions.
The Perceived Deficit in Expansiveness
One aspect of the study sought to explore how participants perceived their ability to join a
similar program grounded in educational robotics, even another school group hosting a MATE-
ROV club. Three of the five participants indicated they would not continue to engage in similar
activity if they were to move to another school. Jessica noted that despite having participated
over a three-year period and feeling comfortable within the program, she would not enroll in
similar activity in another setting without her friends. Olivia also gauged her motivation based
on the presence of pre-program friends and therefore decided that she would most likely not
continue to engage in a similar program outside of her own school community. When asked
explicitly, Olivia replied “If I knew people in robotics. If not, I probably wouldn’t feel
comfortable”.
Chloe’s reservations were grounded in her perceived competency and whether her abilities met
the standard of the new group. When asked explicitly about her potential comfort in
participating with another ER group, Chloe replied:
If I were to leave this group and me, by myself, go off, I wouldn’t because I would feel
more scared if I was to make a mistake and I would feel like they’re smarter than me. In
this group, I know that we are all equal, on the same level.
Chloe’s perspective highlighted the equal footing that newcomers share when entering
educative maker programs and the comfort of co-participating with peers who were at her
level. Isabella expressed a more open-minded perspective on transitioning into a parallel
program. She explained that she would participate in a similar group depending on the
participants. Ultimately, Chloe, Jessica, and Olivia remained attached to pre-existing
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relationships to support their sense of belonging and comfort. Isabella offered a similar
perspective, but to a lesser degree.
Emily, on the other hand, said she would be comfortable joining a parallel program without the
co-participation of her peer group or concern over who formed the ingroup of the other
program. She explained that a parallel group would have participants that share her interest in
the activity and knew that shared interests could make connections with a new peer group.
Emily’s perspective described her understanding that others engaged in similar activity would
logically share interests with her and therefore foster a sense of membership.
Although participants described their identity to be dependent upon the support and presence
of their co-participating peers, they were asked about their potential futures within the field.
When asked explicitly “Have the skills you developed made you more open to a future in
technical fields or STEM-related fields?”, all five students foresaw no obstacles to potential
aspirations in STEM. In the end, all five participants explained that their individual trajectories
did not align with the robotics field due to personal preference rather than perceived inability.
The Importance of a Terminal Activity
The MATE-ROV competition was a terminal activity to end each season, an opportunity to
interact with other school-based groups. Participants described the competition as a driving
force that stimulated work ethic, interest and enjoyment in educational robotics. Though the
competition had originally motivated her engagement, Olivia found enjoyment in the challenge
it gave her on a personal level in terms of her skill development within the program. Isabella
presented a similar connection to the importance of the competition but added that competing
made her work harder in the program. For Jessica, “it makes building the robot much more fun
knowing that we’re going to go and compete”. She emphasized the learning that is associated
with her continued participation which, for her, held equal importance. Chloe underscored how
competition aligned with her competitive nature thus becoming a trigger for her continued
participation. She stated that competing added to the overall enjoyment of the program,
paralleling the perspectives of her teammates Olivia and Isabella.
Olivia and Isabella framed the importance of competition as a glimpse at the real world. They
articulated that their experiences at competition showed the importance of technological
competency while also stimulating their interest in STEM-based activity. When explicitly asked
to describe the success she experienced in robotics, Olivia stated “I learned how to wire a robot
and understand a lot of it ... [I] learned how to work with people and drive the robot”. She was
the only participant to highlight skill development as an indicator of her success.
All five participants noted success at competition to be a motivational trigger for re-
engagement in the program. Perspectives highlighted both the importance of externally
measured success at competition with several participants also making connections with
feelings of personal accomplishment. Chloe discussed her feelings of success within the
robotics program, she measured success as the team’s growth and capacity within the domain
of robotics. The following statement illustrated Chloe’s perspective on team accomplishment as
a measure of success:
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Before we even knew if we won or not, it was just an accomplishment compared to
previous years. We had done so much. We didn’t even need to win ... we knew that we
were doing really well.
Adopting a similar perspective to Chloe, Jessica associated their win at robotics to feelings of
personal pride in her team, commenting “it also feels great when you're walking around
knowing that you have a winning robot”.
Participants were explicitly asked whether success had become a required element to stimulate
their continued reengagement. Isabella highlighted that while success is certainly a
motivational factor, she would still participate in the program without it. She offered the
following reflection
I came back every year because we were succeeding ... last year we got the highest score
out of everyone else in the province ... since we keep getting better and better each year,
it makes me want to go back and do even better than the year before.
When asked if the absence of competition would deter reengagement, each participant
decided it had become a secondary factor to stimulate their interest but was still a meaningful
part of the experience. But, observational data conflicted with perspectives expressed by three
of the five participants in the study. Chloe, Emily, and Isabella stated the absence of
competition would not determine their engagement within the program yet, when the group
was unable to attend the MATE-ROV competition due to a scheduling conflict, their
participation ended. In this instance, participation was heavily weighted on the opportunity for
product demonstration.
The Impact of the Prototypical Identity on Perceived Belonging
When asked to describe the other teams that participated in the robotics competitions over the
last three years, all five participants described them as predominantly male, knowledgeable,
and falling within a known stereotype. Isabella acknowledged the prototypical ingroup, “I
would say that they’re mostly boys and they usually look like the stereotypical nerd. So, they
usually wear glasses and they really look like they know what they’re doing”. Chloe expressed
reservation regarding her presence amid such a homogenous group but noted that the
presence of her friends gave her comfort. Per her description, the other teams seemed to know
more and were better suited for the competition yet, by her own words, she admitted “I don’t
know how much I know compared to others. I’ve never talked, we never talk to people when
we go out for robotics. So, I don’t know what other people know”. The perception that other
teams were more knowledgeable based on their prototypical identity was corroborated by
Isabella, Jessica and Olivia. Yet, like Chloe, none of the participants could explain why they
perceived the other teams to be better or more suited for the technical activity especially since
they were experiencing measurable success at competition.
When prompted to reflect on their participation at competition, all five students described
feelings of deficiency once they left the comfort of their local program. All five described their
team as being all-girl and each one also commented on their assumed inexperience at
competition. They all noted how other teams and even event organizers mistakenly interpreted
their atypical girl team to be less knowledgeable when compared to their male counterparts.
This perception was illustrated when Jessica stated:
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[The other teams] look like they know what they’re doing, more so than us. People
probably think that we are not as good as we actually are ... A lot of people at the
competition can’t believe that we are an all-girls team and probably don’t see us as
doing anything with robotics.
Emily highlighted the error in their perceived in-experience when she highlighted that others
would view their team as “no good” yet they earned the highest score at their most recent
competition. To a similar effect, Isabella said
Sometimes we may look like we’re inexperienced but that’s not the case ... I really think
it’s a surprising factor for a lot of people because they think that just because we’re girls,
we aren’t able to do the same things as the other teams but we usually excel.
Participants noted feelings of comfort, acceptance, and belonging within their local maker
community of practice but all five of the participants agreed that, amid the larger community of
practice, their all-girl status existed in clear polarity to the prototypical identity they
experienced.
Discussion
Three distinct findings (F1-F3) have been drafted based on participant narratives and the
thematic analysis of the richly descriptive data. The following section offers succinct findings
statements paired with brief discussions.
F1: Intragroup relationships foster a connected social identity that can support comfort and
belonging
As participants reflected on their experiences, their narratives highlighted the importance of
peer relationships for both their initial engagement in educational robotics and motivation to
participate year-after-year. This finding aligned with Wenger’s (2000) notion of a connected
identity whereby community members build a sense of comfort and belonging on shared
histories and experiences. Connections can also be made with Archer et al.’s (2015) work on
science capital, whereby the girls felt a sense of belonging as their peer group valued the
activity. In this sense, the peer group served as the social capital to strengthen confidence in ER
abilities and support ER self-concept.
Participants described a sense of social cohesion when reflecting on their intragroup
connections. Their collective narrative aligned with Turner’s (1982) work on social identity
where he emphasized the importance of intragroup relations. His work highlighted social
cohesion as a critical component to the interdependency of group members. As participants
described their feelings of being bound to each other and the emotional empathy that came
from their collaboration, their narrative seemed to mention all characteristics described by
Turner (1982): a perceived similarity, social cohesion, positive self-esteem, emotional empathy,
cooperation, and uniform attitude.
Feelings of comfort amid the intragroup allowed participants to work within a safe context.
They were allowed to fail forward, highlighting the safety net created by a close group. It was
noted throughout the data that comfort was a critical component in taking risks, making
mistakes, and adopting the norms and practices that seemed unfamiliar at initiation. While
estrangement and underperformance due to fear of social repercussions was a theme noted by
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both Stewardson et al. (2018) and Sullivan and Bers (2019) in their VRC studies, there was no
supporting data within this study. The intragroup relationship offered the supportive construct
that Kim et al. (2018) described as an essential element to foster the development of self-
esteem in STEM-based activity.
F2: Connected identities do not automatically build a perceived capacity and belonging in
comparable groups
An overreliance on the intragroup relationship can create an imbalance in the development of
social identity. Wenger’s (2000) notion of expansiveness underscored that “a healthy identity
will not be exclusively locally defined [but] will identify with broad communities that lie beyond
direct participation” (p. 240). The data showed that despite a level of competency developed
over a three-year-period and successful performance at intergroup competition, four of the five
participants stated that they would not participate within a comparable program without the
presence of their friends. Participants felt uncertain about their acceptance as they continually
mentioned the need for their peers to be present. The overall narrative underscored an
interesting connection between their description of a strong connected identity and their
perceived deficit of their expansive identity.
The perception that other teams were more knowledgeable and better suited for robotics
based on their gender highlighted a perceived deficit in the effective quality of participant
identity. The perceived deficit in expansiveness highlighted a marked discrepancy between the
limited identity that students described and that which they demonstrated through
performance. Their narrative aligns greatly with the findings of the ASPIRES work as Archer et
al. (2020) described trends for science self-concept to decline in girls around the age of the
participants in this study.
The fear of incompetency and discomfort were the strongest reservations regarding the ability
to participate in a comparable program, even one based upon the MATE-ROV framework. Kim
et al. (2018) noted a similar trend where girls inaccurately rate their own competencies.
Participant narratives described an uncertainty regarding their value and ability to contribute to
other programs and subsequent peer groups. The risk of perceived underperformance aligns
with Spencer et al.’s (2016) notion of stereotype threat. Participants worry about the
relationship between their performance and acceptance.
F3: Successful domain performance does not automatically reduce the impact of stereotype
threat
Participants were able to test the effectiveness of their social identity as they competed at an
intergroup competition. Wenger (2000) noted that an effective identity supports engagement
with neighbouring communities and the ability to perform in an intergroup context. The
intergroup context gave participants an insight into the prototypical identity associated with
educational robotics and similar technological activity.
Experiences within the intergroup context internalized a sense of estrangement despite the
participants demonstrating a strong effectiveness through measured success. Yet, the
stereotype threat within the context of this study did not result in underperformance as
suggested by the literature (Sparks, 2017; Spencer et al., 2016, Steele, 1997). But, there was a
sense of discomfort. Time on the podium did not seem to reduce the overwhelming presence
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of the prototypical identity in educational robotics though the work of Stewardson et al. (2018)
on experiences in VRC would have suggested otherwise. Participant self-efficacy did not
support the perception of similar successes in comparable ER groups. Spencer et al. (2016)
highlighted the potential for stereotype threat to undermine feelings of comfort and belonging
while also fostering a sensitivity regarding any sign of estrangement. They contended that
“events that might seem innocuous to others, such as … receiving a disapproving glance from
an instructor, may undermine … motivation and commitment to the domain” (p. 424).
Brown and Ross (1982) mentioned the potential for groups that experience a threat to their
social standing to experience feelings antipathy towards the ingroup. Although the participants
did notice the dominant boy group at competition, they never expressed any bad feelings
towards them. Similarly, the participants did not mention any attempts to conform to the
stereotype and suspend aspects of their own identity, a potential coping mechanism suggested
by Sparks (2017). Participant narratives did highlight an awareness as to the ‘geekish’ nature of
their counterparts, but there was no reference to their own adoption of a similar identity. If
anything, they noted how they were different.
Overall, the findings challenged my assumptions regarding the social identity the participants
had developed within their educational robotics experiences. I had assumed that a strong,
connected identity paired with success at competition had built a balanced identity for the
participants and placed them within Archer et al.’s (2015) high science capital category. But,
from an analysis of the data, their perceived sense of comfort and belonging was still
susceptible to stereotype threat. Feelings of estrangement and limited ER self-concept were
noted across the narratives of the study participants. A noted discrepancy emerged between
the articulated expansive / effective deficit of participants and the successes experienced at
competition. This finding underscored the importance of supportive structures to prepare
participants for intergroup contexts even when experiencing achievement within the domain.
Within the context of this study, students were motivated to disconfirm the negative
stereotype and were successful. Yet, lingering feelings were articulated in relation to their
discomfort. Stereotype threat continues to represent an obstacle for identity development as
there remains the potential for underperformance within the added pressure to succeed.
Conclusion and Implications
Educational robotics programs such as MATE-ROV offer students early exposure to STEM-based
experiences. The girl participants of this qualitative study participated in ER with marked
success and no attrition. Their narratives spoke of a strong sense of connectedness and social
cohesion within their immediate group, their narratives spoke of success at intergroup
competition all aspects to suggest a high level of STEM capital. Yet, there was consistent
reservation when prompted to reflect on comfort and belonging within comparable groups.
The findings of this study highlighted the importance of intragroup relationships as social
capital in the development of a connected identity while acknowledging the stereotype threat
and limited expansiveness felt by the participants.
Implications for ER groups or similar STEM-based programming - are to explicitly prepare girl
participants to work within the boy-dominated field by creating a context where both genders
converge. Not all programming has access to large-scale competitions like VEX and MATE-ROV,
so similar experiences must be created. Constructs could be embedded at the organizational
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level of programs such as MATE-ROV to address the trend in perpetuating the perception that
boys form the prototypical identity associated with technical fields in robotics and similar. But,
it must also me noted that efforts to simply girlify aspects of the programming can also be
counterproductive. A balanced approach must be struck.
A known concern regarding case study findings is the ability to make generalization applicable
to other contexts. The small sample size for this study allowed for a more comprehensive and
in-depth exploration of each of the 5 participants experiences. The homogeneity of the group
has also given the study a deeper understanding of a subgroup of the larger population. As ER
competitions have grown in popularity on a global scale, small generalizations can be made for
any program offering built upon comparable experiences in robotics.
Future research may extend on the findings of this study by exploring the narratives of groups
engaged in MATE-ROV in other schools. Similarly, an exploration of experiences in comparable
programs that offer STEM-based activity may offer a balanced perspective on social identity
development, feelings of comfort and belonging, and the retention or attrition of program
participants. Competition offers a unique experience of intergroup play which can be the basis
for future research regarding stereotype threat and the experiences of other marginalized
groups.
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