CELEBRITIES, DRINKS, AND DRUGS: A CRITICAL DISCOURSE ANALYSIS OF CELEBRITY SUBSTANCE ABUSE AS PORTRAYED IN THE NEW YORK TIMES

California State University, San Bernardino California State University, San Bernardino

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CELEBRITIES, DRINKS, AND DRUGS: A CRITICAL DISCOURSE CELEBRITIES, DRINKS, AND DRUGS: A CRITICAL DISCOURSE

ANALYSIS OF CELEBRITY SUBSTANCE ABUSE AS PORTRAYED IN ANALYSIS OF CELEBRITY SUBSTANCE ABUSE AS PORTRAYED IN

THE NEW YORK TIMES THE NEW YORK TIMES

Brent John Austin

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CELEBRITIES, DRINKS, AND DRUGS:

A CRITICAL DISCOURSE ANALYSIS OF CELEBRITY SUBSTANCE ABUSE

AS PORTRAYED IN THE NEW YORK TIMES

A Thesis

Presented to the

Faculty of

California State University,

San Bernardino

In Partial Fulfillment

of the Requirements for the Degree

Master of Arts

Communication Studies

Brent John Austin

September 2014

CELEBRITIES, DRINKS, AND DRUGS:

A CRITICAL DISCOURSE ANALYSIS OF CELEBRITY SUBSTANCE ABUSE

AS PORTRAYED IN THE NEW YORK TIMES

A Thesis

Presented to the

Faculty of

California State University,

San Bernardino

Brent John Austin

September 2014

Approved by:

Heather Hundley, Committee Chair, Communication Studies

Thomas Corrigan, Committee Member

Jo Anna Grant, Committee Member

iii

ABSTRACT

This study is an examination of the ideologies present in celebrity

substance abuse news stories in The New York Times online from December

2012 to December 2013. I analyzed news stories by employing a critical

discourse analysis to determine the dominant discourses in celebrity substance

abuse news articles. Drawing from cultivation and framing theories, celebrity

substance abuse stories in The New York Times are presented in a limited,

individual fashion with relatively little effort when it comes to recovery. Rather

than treating substance abuse as a serious social issue and a medical condition,

it is presented as an individual, moral problem. Moreover, recovery from

substance abuse is presented as a personal choice which involves very little to

no assistance and is easy to acquire.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

While this thesis is an accumulation of countless hours, there are many

individuals outside of myself who deserve recognition and acknowledgement for

their contributions. First being my committee chair, Dr. Heather Hundley. Her

time, energy, and dedication to this thesis is unequivocal. From countless read-

throughs, sharp criticisms, and grueling “track changes”, she has helped this

thesis come to fruition. More than that, she has helped me discover who I am as

an academic, and provided a mentorship from which I have experienced

admiration and gratefulness while receiving direction and structure. Thank you

for being such a great example of what an advisor can be.

I would like to acknowledge my other committee members for taking the

time to be involved in my education and to commit to this thesis. Dr. Jo Anna

Grant, who has helped me keep the health implications of this research in the

forefront of my mind. Furthermore, the opportunities that Dr. Grant has availed to

me outside of this research have made a positive impact on the student I am and

the teacher I hope to become. I would like to recognize Dr. Thomas Corrigan,

who has enabled me to discover and define the meaning of discourse for myself,

allowed me to realize the error in my ways with applying theory to this thesis, and

through conversations helped me reevaluate implications regarding news.

I would be remiss if I did not acknowledge and thank my parents for their

continued support. They made the financial burden of going to college possible.

More than that, their enduring love and encouragement towards my academic

and career goals have allowed me to grow, continue to take opportunities which

would not be presented otherwise, and maintain future goals. Thank you for all

your love and support.

Last, but not least, I would like to acknowledge my wife, Lindi. The time

and energy put into this project was often at the sacrifice of our time together.

Thank you for allowing me to stay focused when needed, pulling me away from

the research when needed, and venting in between. I hope that you are ready for

the next academic challenge, which is certain to contain more sacrifice. I am

grateful for your support and understanding.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

ABSTRACT ................................................................................................. iii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ............................................................................ iv

CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION: SUBSTANCE ABUSE

AND CELEBRITY CULTURE ……………………………... 1

Literature Review .............................................................................. 4

Substance Abuse and Society ................................................ 6

Substance Abuse and Media .................................................. 7

Celebrity .................................................................................. 11

Celebrity and Substance Abuse ............................................. 16

CHAPTER TWO: CONDUCTING THE STUDY: METHODOLOGICAL

AND THEORETICAL APPROACHES ............................. 19

Statement of Purpose ....................................................................... 19

Methodological Approach: Critical Discourse Analysis ...................... 21

Texts ...................................................................................... 30

Theoretical Perspectives: Cultivation and Framing Theory ............... 34

Cultivation Theory Literature .................................................. 37

Framing Theory ...................................................................... 40

Media Frames ........................................................................ 41

CHAPTER THREE: THE NEW YORK TIMES’ PORTRAYAL OF

CELEBRITY SUBSTANCE ABUSE ............................ 45

Celebrities and Consequences ………………………………………… 46

Episodic and Thematic Frames .............................................. 47

vii

It’s Not You, It’s Me: Taking Personal Acceptance ………. ..... 50

The Blame Game: Attributing External Fault .......................... 52

Are You Sober Now? Recovery and Relapse ........................ 55

Contradicting Headlines and Images ..................................... 61

Conclusion: Stardom Trumps Substance Abuse .............................. 65

CHAPTER FOUR: THE NEW YORK TIMES’ PORTRAYAL OF

CELEBRITIES’ CONSEQUENCES FROM

SUBSTANCE ABUSE .......……………………………..… 69

Health Consequences........................................................................ 71

Death ..................................................................................... 71

Rehabilitation and Treatment ................................................. 74

Physical Health ...................................................................... 78

Psychological Consequences ................................................ 79

Criminal Consequences .................................................................... 81

Financial Consequences ................................................................... 85

Material Consequences ......................................................... 85

Career Consequences ........................................................... 87

Conclusion: Substance Abuse has Physical,

But Not Emotional Consequences ................................ 88

CHAPTER FIVE: MARGINALIZING THE DISCOURSE OF SUBSTANCE

ABUSE AND MAGNIFYING THE ROLE OF CELEBRITY

THROUGH INFOTAINMENT ............................................ 90

Ideological Implications ..................................................................... 92

Substance Abuse ................................................................... 93

Celebrities ………………………………………………………… 100

viii

News Media ……………………………………………………… 107

Conclusion ……………………………………………………………….. 114

Limitations ………………………………………………………………. . 116

Future Research ………………………………………………………… 117

APPENDIX A: TYPES OF CELEBRITIES PRESENTED IN

THE NEW YORK TIMES …………………………………….... 119

APPENDIX B: TYPES OF SUBSTANCES IDENTIFIED IN

THE NEW YORK TIMES ……………………………………… 121

REFERENCES ………………………………………………………………….. 123

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION: SUBSTANCE ABUSE AND

CELEBRITY CULTURE

A staggering number of Americans are substance abusers. The 2010

National Survey on Drug Use Health (NSDUH), for example, estimates that 22.6

million Americans used illicit drugs that year. This represents 8.9 percent of the

population 12 years of age and older. Even greater percentages are noticed in

regards to alcohol as 58.6 million people reported participating in binge drinking

(NSDUH, 2010). With such a large percentage of the population defined as

substance abusers, social consequences abound.

In order to understand substance abuse, it is imperative to define what

substances are abused and considered addictive. For example, in her study of

addiction in the Finnish press, Hellman (2010) reported eight major categories

findings: alcohol, drugs, substances, tobacco, eating, gambling, sexual behavior

and other. It is clear, then, that substance abuse represents a much broader

sense of addiction than what may be typically viewed as just drugs or alcohol.

However, the NSDUH (2010) defined illicit substances as marijuana, cocaine,

heroin, hallucinogens, inhalants, and the nonmedical use of pain relievers,

tranquilizers, stimulants and sedatives (psychotherapeutics). While substance

abuse goes well beyond the boundaries of alcohol and illicit drugs to include

other addictions, such as food, sex and gambling, this study examined the

mediated portrayals of drugs as defined by NSDUH (2010) as well as alcohol.

In order to define the term addiction, Orford (2001) uses the descriptor

“excessive appetite” (p. 260). Orford (2001) states that in addition to becoming

addicted and dependent on substances, individuals may also experience

“excessive appetites” or addictions to objects and activities in specific social

settings. However, similarities between addiction to drugs and alcohol and other

forms of problematic behavior have been noted (Oksanen, 2012). In essence,

“excessive appetite” or addiction is an “over attachment to a drug, object or

activity” (Oksanen, 2012, p. 144). While Oksanen (2012) states that individuals

can be addicted to drugs, alcohol, objects, or activities, this study focused

specifically on excessive and addictive use of alcohol and/or legal or illegal

drugs.

As evidenced, substance abuse is prolific in society. As a result, treatment

options are available. The National Institute of Drug Abuse (NIDA, 2008) states

that for every $1 invested in substance abuse treatment programs there is a $4

to $7 reduction in the cost of drug-related crimes, a $4 reduction in welfare and

child welfare costs for women, and a $7 increase in productivity in employment

due to fewer absences and health claims. However, while 23.1 million people

needed treatment in 2012 for substance abuse, only 2.6 million received

treatment at a specialty facility, leaving 20.5 million substance abusers untreated

(NSDUH, 2012). While treatment is available outside of specialty treatment

facilities, such as self-help groups like Alcoholics Anonymous (AA) and Narcotics

Anonymous (NA), the vast majority of active substance abusers (90%-95%) do

not enter treatment or self-help groups (Landau, Garrett, Shea, Stanton,

Brinkman-Sull, & Baciewicz, 2000).

A common way that society addresses substance abuse is through

criminalization and imprisonment. For example, Carson and Sabol (2012) found

that 17% of sentenced prisoners in 2011 were serving time for non-violent drug

offenses. In addition, Mumola (1999) notes that half of all prisoners were under

the influence of drugs or alcohol at the time of their arrest. While treatment is

often available in prison, typically in the form of self-help groups, only 1 in 8 state

prisoners reported that they had participated in substance abuse treatment

programs since entering prison (Mumola, 1999).

My interest in researching alcohol and drug use is a personal one. While I

have been drug and alcohol free for many years, there was a time in my life

when substance abuse interrupted my ability to reach goals and be a

responsible, contributing member of society. During my time as a substance

abuser, and my sober time since, the stigma around substance abuse is

evidenced in my life. For example, in social settings where others are drinking,

individuals often find it strange that I refrain. Furthermore, when individuals learn

that I do not drink since I am an alcoholic, comments are commonly or frequently

made regarding how one drink would not hurt anything and that I should be able

to handle my liquor. While it may not be intentional, I perceive my peers as not

understanding the nature of addiction and I get the feeling that they believe it is

my lack of self-control or willpower that keeps me from being able to drink

responsibly. In essence, they see my addiction as a personal flaw rather than a

disease. My personal experiences influence my scholarly endeavors. That is, as

a media scholar, I am currently curious to learn how substance abuse is

portrayed in non-fictional mediated stories. This research is one step in the

process.

Literature Review

While it is important to distinguish the broad range of addictions, this

literature review focuses on the abuse of drugs, including alcohol. Clearly, not all

individuals who use drugs and alcohol may be substance abusers or addicts

(Rehm, Room, Graham, Monteiro, Gmel, & Sempos, 2003). The purpose of

identifying and defining addiction as a concept functions as a means for culture

to differentiate individuals who perform objectionable behaviors from those who

do not (Davies, 1996). Since addiction is an objectionable behavior, it is difficult

to determine definitions of normal, moderate, or excessive behaviors (Oksanen,

2012; Orford, 2001). However, the determinants of substance abuse often

equate to the amount of conflict an individual experiences. For example,

individuals who experience psychological or social conflicts as a result of using

drugs may be classified as addicts; therefore, the difference between a

”troublesome appetite” and ”normal appetite” is the amount or degree of conflict,

rather than the amount of mere consumption.

Oksanen (2012) defines these conflicts ranging from “problems with self-

control, nonobjective thinking, dissocialization, demoralization, and pressure to

change” (p. 144). These conflicts often have the tendency to bring feelings of

guilt, remorse and shame to the substance abuser, often compounding the

feelings to keep the behavior secret (Corley & Schneider, 2002) or to justify one’s

substance abuse to one’s self and others (Oksanen, 2012).

The National Institute of Drug Abuse (NIDA, 2008) notes the way that

addicts are perceived is a changing landscape. The thought (often by

professionals) that people addicted to drugs are morally flawed and lacking in

willpower is changing to new understandings of addiction (NIDA, 2008). While

most scientific approaches to addiction embrace the thought that substance

abuse is a disease which affects the brain and behavior (Morphett & Meurk,

2013; NIDA, 2008), other researchers have criticized framing addiction as a

disease and discussed other addiction approaches such as addiction occurring

as a result of psychosocial factors, and that addiction is a byproduct of

pharmacology (Heim, Davies, Cheyne, & Smallwood, 2001).

Three main themes exist in the conception of addiction (Heim et al., 2001).

First, substance abuse is viewed in terms of disease. This approach states that

addiction is a disease to which individuals are genetically predisposed to use

substances compulsively. Second, addiction is a response to psychosocial

factors. For instance, psychosocial factors include the presence of a psychiatric

disorder, such as schizophrenia, but also contain family and environmental

influences. Third, that addiction is determined by pharmacology, which focuses

on the chemical composition of substances and the way that they interact with

the brain, which can vary for individuals. Regardless of the approach to

understanding addiction, the commonality of attributing blame for undesirable

behavior (individual or societal) is the locus; thereby allowing “drug consumption

to be extracted from its social and political context and reduced to being the

result of disease, pharmacology or personal circumstances and characteristics”

(Heim et al., 2001, p. 57).

Substance Abuse and Society

Because of its financial, emotional, and cultural impacts, substance abuse

is a detriment to society. Obviously the health of individuals, mentally and

physically, is at the forefront of addiction’s role within society as 14 percent of

patients admitted to hospitals have substance abuse disorders (NIDA, 2008).

Substance abuse is positively correlated with poverty (Jayakody, Danziger,

Seefeldt, & Pollack, 2004) and risky sexual behavior (Chen & Biswas, 2012).

Furthermore, substance abuse has a large negative effect on mental disorders

such as schizophrenia or bipolar disorder (Mueser, Bellack, & Blanchard, 1992).

To highlight, “50% of adults with severe mental illness suffer from substance

abuse disorders” (Alverson, Alverson, & Drake, 2000, p. 558) leading to a

mountainous amount of research in dual disorders, diagnosis, and treatment.

Other social problems stemming from substance abuse include economics

and crime. For example, nearly 20 percent of all Medicaid hospital costs and

nearly 25% of Medicaid inpatient care is associated with substance abuse (NIDA,

2008). Furthermore, 17% of criminals report that they committed their offense in

order to get money for drugs (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2004) and 70% of

individuals in state prisons and jails have used illegal drugs regularly (NIDA,

2008). Clearly, substance abuse impacts the mental, physical, safety and

economics of contemporary society.

While comprehensive literature is available on substance abuse, the role

the media play in portraying substance abuse is also an issue. A major topic of

substance abuse research has been studying the way addictions are portrayed in

the media (Acevedo, Warren, & Wray, 2009; Shaw, Whitehead, & Giles, 2010;

Tiger, 2013). Mediated portrayals of addiction deliver insights on how addiction

works as a cultural unit (Hellman, 2010). In other words, addiction is not only a

medical concern, but also a social problem.

Substance Abuse and Media

Substance abuse is evident in popular culture (Boothroyd, 2006) as

fictional and non-fictional media often use drug and alcohol addiction and

recovery as plot devices. For example, media such as Cheech and Chong films

(e.g. Up in Smoke, Cheech and Chong’s Next Movie, Nice Dreams, Things are

Tough All Over, Still Smokin’) portray substance abuse, particularly smoking

marijuana, as the main component of a plot. Furthermore, other media portray

substance abuse and recovery as a story line, such as Sandra Bullock’s 28

Days, and the CBS sitcom Mom, where the story revolves around a mother and

daughter who are both in AA and often humorously reflect upon their past drug

and alcohol abuse. Because of its ability to reach mass audiences, media serve

an integral role in shaping public concern about social and cultural issues,

including substance abuse (Hughes, Lancaster, & Spicer, 2011). As audiences

encounter mediated portrayals of substance abuse, beliefs and attitudes

regarding substance abuse are influenced (Roberts & Christenson, 2000).

Furthermore, attitudes and behavior regarding substance abuse are impacted for

better or worse, contingent upon the nature of the portrayal.

Research on substance abuse in media has focused on alcohol, primarily

in the context of marketing or advertising (Nicholls, 2011). Some research has

been conducted on the portrayal of alcohol within the media outside of the

marketing and advertising scope (see, e.g., Ayres & Jewkes, 2012; Baillie, 1996;

Connolly, Casswell, Zhang, & Silva, 1994). In her analysis of Cheers, for

instance, Hundley (1995) states that television often naturalizes beer in that

consuming it in large quantities has no side effects, as if it is water. Similarly,

Hansen (2003) argues that news stories also naturalize alcohol consumption,

thereby presenting alcohol as a normal, harmless aspect of everyday life.

However, Nicholls (2011) posits that news reports “often accentuate the negative

consequences of drinking” (p. 205) such as violence and anti-social behavior.

Hence, media offer a bifurcated portrayal of alcohol. That is, media show that

alcohol consumption is a normal part of our everyday activity, but when

consumed in abundance it frequently leads to social harm, a contradiction to

Hundley’s (1995) and Hansen’s (2003) research.

Hersey (2005) also claims that not only is alcohol consumption

naturalized, but so is the concept of recovery. After analyzing representations of

recovery from substance abuse in film, Hersey (2005) asserts that a broad range

in understanding the nature of addiction is ignored in film so that “the effect is to

cut off dialogue and to construct only one possible view of addiction” (p. 489) - a

view that demonstrates individuals struggling with addiction (primarily alcohol),

followed by a prompt and easy recovery to continue a healthy and successful life.

Hersey (2005) also notes that the media portray only one way to recover in film

through Alcoholics Anonymous. Thus, society views all addicts and treatment

efforts through one lens; however, this is not an accurate representation of the

various kinds of substance abuse treatments such as other outpatient or inpatient

treatment programs.

Other findings of media representations of substance abuse include

creating a fear-based society (Taylor, 2008). By depicting substance abuse as an

“epidemic” and “crisis,” the growing threat that substance abusers have on

society is emphasized (Blood, Williams, & McCallum, 2003). However, framing

substance abuse in the media in this manner often contributes to moral panics

(Taylor, 2008). This fear-based approach is often noticed in news media and

highlights the deviant behavior associated with substance abuse.

Hughes et al. (2011) portend that substance abuse issues tend to emerge

in the media in relation to deviance. For example, media representations of

substance abuse appear in relation to crime, and those crimes are frequently

committed by “rebellious people, gangs, or by people that deserve punishment

(not help)” (Hughes et al., 2011, p. 286). As a result, the media portray

punishment as a solution to substance abuse, thereby “reducing drug use to a

narrow range of topics and interpretive framework” (Taylor, 2008, p. 242) which

neglects other possible causes of substance abuse and courses of action.

Hellman (2010) acknowledges that substance abuse is often

sensationalized within the media. In essence, media portrayals of substance

abuse “perpetuate distorted and stereotypical preconceptions on the most

extreme cases” (Ayers & Jewkes, 2012, p. 328). Accordingly, Sparks and Tulloch

(2000) concur that media often depict stories of substance abuse in which

audiences can easily relate. This depiction is accomplished by sensationalizing

stories of substance abuse, a trend known as “tabloidization” (Sparks & Tulloch,

2000, p. 10), where priorities move towards entertainment and away from news

and information.

One potential outcome of sensationalizing portrayals of substance abuse

is that cultural associations can be made between addiction, glamour and

celebrity (Furedi, 2004). Mass media stories regarding substance abuse and

addiction revolve around celebrities. For example, Nicholls (2011) asserts that

newspaper coverage of alcohol demonstrated a “fascination with celebrity” (p.

203). Therefore, the focus of this research was to examine substance abuse in

the media and, more particularly, in news. It seems, the most recent celebrity

relapse or mishap (e.g., Lindsay Lohan or Justin Bieber) often appears in

headlines and dominates message boards. Since this research focused on

celebrity substance abuse as portrayed in news media, it is important to

distinguish the role of celebrity.

Celebrity

Celebrity and celebrity culture is a growing area of research in the social

sciences (Turner, 2010). Celebrity culture is a preoccupation with the famous; the

site of this preoccupation takes place when celebrities are part of a collective

world connected by media (Cashmore, 2006; Couldry & Markham, 2007; Epstein,

2005). Defining celebrity is increasingly problematic, as numerous connotations

may emerge. At one point, scholars used the word ”star” to define celebrities

(Dyer, 1979; Ellis, 1982); however, the term “celebrity” is now used to “indicate a

broad category which is defined as the contemporary state of being famous”

(Holmes & Redmond, 2010, p. 4). In essence, a celebrity is anyone who

repeatedly appears in the news (as a result of career or “private life”) or is

portrayed by media for means of consumption. Rojek (2001) states that celebrity

equates to an “impact of public consciousness” (p. 10); demonstrating that

celebrities are alluring and fascinating to many people; a fascination which has

become so prolific as to be called a “culture.” The starting point of celebrity

culture is when celebrities are so abundant in the media (Rojek, 2001; Turner,

2004) they develop in individuals’ everyday talk, resulting in celebrities becoming

a social topic of discussion in many settings and conversations (Couldry &

Markham, 2007).

While not all people are captivated by celebrity gossip and news, they are

still a target to the copious amount of celebrity stories within the media as

evidenced by the seemingly countless celebrity-centered websites, television

programs, news stories, and bombardment of magazines and tabloids at the

grocery store checkout line. Couldry and Markham (2007) proffer that while many

individuals are attracted to celebrity stories; others feel celebrity stories are

something they need to escape. However, with an increasing amount of

sensationalism and celebrity reporting in the media, celebrity stories and images

are part of our everyday fabric (Fowler, 2006).

Furthermore, celebrity culture has a “pervasive presence in our everyday

lives−-perhaps more so than ever before” (Holmes & Redmond, 2006, p. 6).

Parnaby and Sacco (2004) state that fame and celebrity status have become

virtues that have been entrenched in our mass mediated society and Americans’

desire to be famous rivals the desire of achieving personal economic success.

The duality of celebrities being supremely unique while simultaneously

being ordinary (Dyer, 1979) is the site of much celebrity research (Holmes &

Redmond, 2010; Lofton, 2011; Nayar, 2008). Celebrities are seen as completely

ordinary people, experiencing some of the same problems (weight, divorce,

addiction, etc.) as other individuals. The concept of celebrity is portrayed within

the media as unique, yet attainable; however, in order for celebrities to maintain

a level of social interest, they must remain a “rare phenomenon” (Parnaby &

Sacco, 2004, p. 9), while concurrently staying ordinary and attainable enough

that audiences can identify with them. Celebrities are captivating to many

audiences (Cashmore, 2006) as they combine the spectacular with the ordinary -

- something that is inherent within American values (Holmes & Redmond, 2006).

The ability to promote celebrities as unique personalities and attractive

individuals while simultaneously acknowledging them as regular people going

through typical day-to-day problems, allows the media of celebrity culture to

create an “illusion of intimacy” between the tabloids, celebrity, and audience

(Meyers, 2005, p. 896).

This illusion of intimacy enhances identity construction of celebrity culture

consumers (Wilson, 2010). The ability to “transform the powerful and the well-

known into intimate and familiar figures” (Furedi, 2010, p. 495) allows for

audiences to “develop relationships with mythic characters” (Fraser & Brown,

2002, p. 185). These mythic characters were once based on heroes (e.g., Osiris,

Odysseus, Gautama Buddha [Campbell, 1949]) but today are primarily celebrities

(e.g., Brad Pitt, Beyoncé, and Hugh Jackman). Cathcart (1994) avers that heroes

turn to celebrity status as a result of mass media; as media’s ability to increase

visibility and fame is commonly linked with the creation of celebrity.

As a result of audiences developing “parasocial relationships” with

mediated celebrities, celebrity culture enables audiences to identify with

celebrities and the characters they portray (Furedi, 2010). This identification may

lead audiences to participate and negotiate in identification and “invest in the

emotional capital of celebrities” (Furedi, 2010, p. 496). Such parasocial

relationships with celebrities may affect audience identity as well as the

audience’s understandings of celebrity-related topics such as fashion, food,

addiction and others often juxtaposed with celebrities. Celebrity culture shapes

the audiences’ interpretations and abilities to make sense of the world. This is

accomplished by either accepting or rejecting the values and personalities that

celebrities and celebrity culture endorses. The ability for celebrities and celebrity

culture to facilitate identity creation and knowledge on particular topics lends way

to the belief that celebrities have a social function.

News stories frequently report on celebrities’ actions, opinions, and norms.

Whether directly or indirectly, celebrity news “emphasizes the fact that the

portrayal of stars conveys what can and what cannot be imitated, thereby

touching on values” (Gorin & Dubied, 2011, p. 600). Nayar (2008) continues the

notion that celebrities are integrated into society as their successes and failures

serve as moral compasses of how people should live their lives. Burke (1973)

refers to this as “equipment for living.” Therefore, celebrities are cultural units that

act as guides for individuals’ attitudes and behaviors. Indeed, celebrities are

paramount to society since they are important figures within modern life and

social interactions (Marshall, 1997).

One manifestation of celebrity culture is celebrity worship. Celebrity

worship contains rituals and idolizes celebrities to the extent that a “religion of

American celebrity emerges” (Lofton, 2011, p. 349). The link between celebrity

culture and religion is notable. Rituals within celebrity worship such as flocking to

see celebrities, movies, and celebrity culture destinations (e.g., Hollywood,

Dollywood, Graceland) parallel many religious rituals like flocking to religious

sites such as Mecca or Jerusalem. Other rituals captivating the aura and power

of celebrities include holding Oscar parties, reading tabloids, and focusing

exclusively on an individual celebrity (Maltby, Houran, Lange, Ashe, &

McCutcheon, 2002).

While these rituals are examples of how celebrity worship is similar to

religious worship. Other examples of how celebrities are seen as divine entities

include feeling personal connections to celebrities or immersing oneself in a

particular celebrity’s lifestyle and career by knowing a plethora of information

regarding that celebrity and consuming every medium that portrays them (Lofton,

2011; Rojek, 2001). Furthermore, Maltby et al. (2002) offer an example of divinity

that stars hold by demonstrating that questionable behavior performed by a

celebrity is often forgiven, when similar behavior by a non-celebrity would not be.

However, not all behavior, particularly illicit behavior, is excused, and it

seems that this deviance is often the focus of mass media attention. For

example, Nunn and Biressi (2010) posit that celebrity scandal stories are cheap

to reproduce, and stories of “abuse, guilt, vulnerability, and addiction” (p. 50)

appear in the reproduction of journalism. This provides an inexpensive, easy

news format that often focuses on the best “bang for the buck” for readers. In

other words, a celebrity scandal story is well suited to the political economy of

commercial news media. This axis was the focus of this research by investigating

how the media portrayed celebrity addiction.

Celebrity and Substance Abuse

Since substance abuse does not discriminate, famous people and those

with celebrity status are not exempt from substance abuse problems. As a result,

an important aspect of media portrayals of substance abuse includes celebrities

since they frequently get idolized and play a significant role in many media

consumers lives. Celebrity substance abuse is more frequently covered by

media, whereas non-celebrity substance abuse stories are often not covered. As

such, celebrities often become synonymous with substance abuse. For example

Amy Winehouse, Lindsay Lohan, Whitney Houston, Michael Jackson, and Philip

Seymour Hoffman are all associated with substance abuse because of their

celebrity status, drug and alcohol addictions, and the coverage they have

received in the media.

Celebrity news stories are an important site for the construction of

substance abuse, substance abuse behaviors, and treatment (Tiger, 2013). Tiger

(2013) affirms that celebrities are not individuals but serve as a symbolic system

as a whole, which represents dominant Western beliefs such as achieving the

“American dream” of prosperity, success and upward social mobility. Marshall

(1997) articulates that audiences use celebrity to “construct norms of

individuality” (p. 61), and meanings attributed to celebrity and addiction are a

process of negotiation between the media and their audiences. As such, media

coverage of celebrity addiction can have powerful implications in society.

Nonetheless, because of the pervasive media and the potential impact of

celebrity culture, the reporting and coverage of celebrity substance abuse can

influence individuals’ values, attitudes, and behaviors. Therefore, discovering

how substance abuse is framed by the media for the public is relevant.

Previous research shows that media practitioners feel celebrities have the

power to connect with audiences, particularly within the realm of addiction. Tiger

(2013), for instance, notes that a 2011 New York Times article in the health

section pictured a large portrait of the deceased Amy Winehouse. Tiger (2013)

makes clear that “the story had nothing to do with Amy Winehouse and her

cause of death was then unknown. Celebrity served as a vehicle for the author to

discuss a generalized theory about the brain’s malfunctioning in relation to

addiction” (p. 14). This is just one example of how celebrity addiction is portrayed

in the media and further acknowledges that celebrities play an important role in

connecting with audiences.

Other scholars interested in celebrity substance abuse examined the

media portrayals of celebrity DUIs. Smith, Twum, and Gielen (2009) were

interested in how celebrity DUI events are presented as news worthy, particularly

in relation to societal norms and expectations. They argue “that from a public

health standpoint, it is of concern that many celebrity news stories emphasize the

episodic nature of the events rather than root social causes or preventative

action” (Smith et al., 2009, p. 187). Therefore, while celebrity news stories and

substance abuse news stories focus on substance abuse from the perspective of

an individual, it is important for the media to focus on the nature of substance

abuse in society as well.

The link between celebrity and substance abuse in the media is a process

of naming a celebrity for deviant substance abuse behaviors, shaming the

celebrity, deselecting the celebrity, and, finally, a potential resurrection of the

celebrity (Acevedo, Warren, & Wray, 2009). This cycle serves to put certain

individuals on a pedestal and then reveal their flaws as a way to “knock them

down.” Once they are de-humanized they can be built back up, allowing new

stories to unfold and keeping an individual in the media spotlight. Some scholars

argue that the status of celebrity encourages such high achievement and

success that the use of substances is almost instigated in order to maintain such

status (Cavanaugh & Prasad, 1994). Regardless of the cause of addictions, it is

clear that drug and alcohol abuse is prevalent in our culture, celebrities are no

less exempt from such abuse, and celebrities can have an immense impact on

the culture, potentially serving as role models. Thus, it is important to understand

how celebrity substance abuse is portrayed in news media.

CHAPTER TWO

CONDUCTING THE STUDY: METHODOLOGICAL AND

THEORETICAL APPROACHES

Statement of Purpose

Given its prevalence and detrimental impact on society, more substance

abuse and addiction research is needed. Furthermore, examining the way that

the media portray substance abuse is pertinent since media play a key role in

building the public and political agenda as well as framing the public conversation

about substance abuse (Nicholls, 2011). While one of the ways individuals learn

about the effects of drugs and alcohol is through direct experience, one of the

most profound influences in learning about substance abuse is the portrayal of

drug and alcohol use in the media (Cape, 2003). Moreover, a number of

researchers have rising concerns regarding the degree in which the media

legitimize and glamorize risky behaviors related to health, such as substance

abuse (Roberts & Christenson, 2000). More generally, research concurs that

mass media rank among the most important socialization agents influencing

youth (Arnett, 1995; Roberts, Foehr, Rideout & Brodie, 1999), so the way the

media portray substance abuse is salient.

The importance of researching popular culture has been highlighted by

intellectuals, and while what is popular is portrayed by the mass media, popular

culture in media is a byproduct of the media’s ability to serve customer desires.

Therefore, popular culture “bears the interests of the people” (Fiske, 1989, p. 24).

Scholars are increasingly examining the portrayals of celebrities, demonstrating

that celebrities have a potentially profound effect on knowledge, power, and

representation (Holmes & Redmond, 2010). Thus, it is imperative to discover

how celebrities are portrayed in media, not as individuals, but as cultural and

social markers.

Celebrity influence is prevalent and over 75% of young people report a

strong attraction to a celebrity at some point in their lives (Giles & Maltby, 2004).

As a result, the lives of celebrities along with mediated portrayals of celebrities in

regards to substance abuse are of concern. If media shape the public agenda,

which may include the topic of substance abuse, then the injection of celebrity in

media increases the likelihood stories will be retold and modeled (Smith et al.,

2009). As evident in Chapter One, currently, there is very limited research on the

intersection of substance abuse and celebrity. Furthermore, discovering how

celebrity substance abuse is framed within news media allows audiences to

broaden our understanding of how addiction is defined, how it is managed, and

what the potential responses should be in terms of prevention and recovery.

As such, the following research questions are posited:

RQ1: What frames and themes are used in print news media to portray

celebrity substance abuse?

RQ2: What consequences of celebrity substance abuse are portrayed in

print news?

Methodological Approach: Critical Discourse Analysis

In order to answer these questions, I methodologically employed critical

discourse analysis (e.g., Fairclough, 1992; Fowler, 1991; van Dijk, 1993, 1996).

Critical discourse analysis emerged from critical linguistics and semiotics as a

general label for studying text and talk (van Dijk, 1995a). However, critical

discourse analysis differs from other forms of analysis (e.g., conversational

analysis, narrative analysis) in that it provides a focus on power to identify

ideologies. For example, since ideology is transmitted, enacted, and reproduced

through language (Foucault, 1972), analyzing discursive strategies will lead to

discovering ideologies and the social meaning expressed in discourse.

Discourse, essentially, is “language in real contexts of use” (Machin & Mayr,

2013, p. 20) -- meaning that discourse is the language which is chosen in order

to comprehend and understand given situations and the world. While discourses

include the language chosen, it is the construction of language which comprises

topics. Fiske (1984) identifies discourse as “both a topic and a coded set of signs

through which that topic is organized” (p.169). For example, while substance

abuse is a topic within news stories, signs such as headlines, related articles,

and images organize and construct the discourses presented. In this study,

critical discourse analysis was used to understand the mediated discourse of

substance abuse.

Because of space and time constraints in news, such as the limited

number of column inches and meeting deadlines, it is important to note that in

the media, certain conversations are highlighted; thereby, leaving certain

discussions marginalized. With this understanding, discourse implies and is

laden with ideological assumptions. In essence, discourse not only reflects

society but also affirms existing social structures (Teo, 2000). Therefore, scholars

using critical discourse analysis are interested in understanding ideological

structures such as the unequal distribution of power.

Typically, such ideologies are naturalized in that they are presented as

common sense and made to appear natural, thereby making them implicit and

difficult to critique. It is this naturalized ideology that enables media to attain

hegemonic dominance. Critical discourse analysis attempts to unlock the

ideological underpinnings of discourse in order to better articulate and

understand how discourse works in society (van Dijk, 1995b).

Researchers using critical discourse analysis attempt to discover patterns

of dominance often by examining texts relating to social problems and issues.

Those who use this methodology are interested in answering the question of how

these social problems and issues are expressed, enacted and reproduced in

texts (van Dijk, 1995a). The need for such an analysis, specifically with mediated

texts, is imperative because texts shape how we understand and address social

issues, as media elites and journalists control mass media discourses and

determine what news topics will be covered (Gamson, Croteau, Hoynes &

Sasson, 1992; Gans, 1979; van Dijk, 1995a).

Ideological assumptions are embedded in texts and oral speech in attempt

to gain or control power (Fairclough, 1989). The power that dominant groups

have in controlling mediated topics and content depict a relationship between

discourse and power. As a result, critical discourse analysis is engaged by

scholars who attempt to uncover how media discourses exercise power, thereby

making the social and power structures of society more visible.

Those who use critical discourse analysis acknowledge that discourse is

enacted through language, which is used as a social practice to “establish

identity, social relationships, knowledge and beliefs” (Tupper, 2008, p. 224). This

notion is represented by Fairclough’s (2002) three tenets of discourse. First,

discourse is shaped and constrained by social structure. Second, discourse is

shaped by culture. Lastly, discourse shapes our identities, relationships and

knowledge. Therefore, by critically analyzing news media discourse of celebrity

substance abuse, a picture of how media establish ideologies of celebrity and

substance abuse in terms of identity and knowledge should emerge. However, in

order to employ a critical discourse analysis accurately, it is salient to know the

levels of analysis of critical discourse.

Levels of analysis within critical discourse attempt to define meaning and

relationships “between the actual text, the discursive practices (rules and norms

used to produce, receive or interpret the message) and the larger social context

that bears upon the text and discursive practices” (McGregor, 2003,

Understanding the theory section, para. 4). As a result, critical discourse analysis

is a method in which scholars seek to examine both micro level and macro level

understandings (Thompson, 2002; van Dijk, 2001). In other words, critical

discourse analysis is used to not only explain the text in terms of language use,

discourse, and verbal interaction (micro level), but also to reveal the relationship

between the text (such as print news articles), societal issues (such as substance

abuse), and power structures (such as dominance and inequality at the macro

level).

While discourse analysis is relevant for the study of mediated texts (Day,

Gough, & McFadden, 2004), critical approaches to discourse analysis typically

concentrate specifically on texts such as news reporting (Teo, 2000). Van Dijk

(1983) specifies some general characteristics of news discourse. First, news

discourse has a functionality; meaning that discourses serve a purpose in

respect to various aspects of social contexts. Second, news discourse is

meaningful, thereby exhibiting local or global coherence. While local coherence

refers to the relation of clauses and sentences, global coherence refers to larger

parts of discourse such as topics or themes. Lastly, news discourses are goal-

directed; meaning that news discourse is not arbitrary, but has some form of

communicative goal. Van Dijk (1983) acknowledges that each discourse will

manifest these principles in different ways, and that the goal of critical discourse

analysis is to uncover these principles and implied meanings that represent

ideological positions.

Many studies employing critical discourse analysis to news reporting

provide examples. For instance, when examining newspaper representations of

men, health and food, Gough (2007) found the way that media represent men

and dieting is structured by hegemonic concepts of masculinity such as “men like

meat” (p. 329) and “dieting is for girls” (p. 335). These findings were a result of

Gough (2007) analyzing news articles line-by-line, paying attention to discursive

strategies. By analyzing newspapers, Gough (2007) establishes that across the

spectrum of news stories, “dieting is seen as unmasculine and women-centered,

thereby explaining men’s reluctance to diet” (p. 335). This serves as one

example that the media perpetuate gender differences through the use of

stereotypes.

Another study conducted a discourse analysis to uncover the discursive

construction of homelessness in the Los Angeles Times, The Washington Post

and The New York Times (Pascale, 2005). Pascale (2005) piloted a critical

discourse analysis by discovering patterns that were found across all three

papers, focusing on what was not said. Findings of her study included that news

stories used episodic frames to represent homelessness. News stories

characterized homelessness around individuals, meaning that their poverty was

attributed to personal characteristics (e.g., work ethic, enthusiasm, reliability) and

choices. Pascale (2005) found that news stories identified homelessness in

terms of individuals instead of a contextual social problem and, furthermore, that

“a million people unable to afford basic housing in the United States has been

rendered unthinkable by the dominant culture” (p. 264). In other words, the social

problem of homelessness was left unaddressed; instead the newspapers under

investigation supported the ideology that homelessness is an individual problem,

not a social one.

Teo (2000) explored news discourse critically in regards to racism in two

Australian newspapers. First, he employed the method by examining broad

characteristics of text, such as headlines and leads. Then a micro- and macro-

structured examination of the two texts was undertaken. Discoveries included

that a local Vietnamese gang was featured in news headlines as murderous,

drug-dealing, fighters who engaged in other violent and unlawful activities. This is

not surprising, but what was noticed is that these descriptions consistently

referenced Vietnamese and Asian people. As a result, Teo (2000) concludes that

the newspapers under analysis perpetuate dominance and social inequality.

Even though celebrity is a discursive event, and a genre of representation

that provides “a rich body of discourses that fuel a dynamic culture of

consumption” (Turner, 2010, p. 13), there are a limited amount of critical

discourse analyses of celebrity in news media (see, e.g., Breeze, 2009; Hutchby,

1996; Legg, 2009). For example, Breeze (2009) examined the discourses of

“tarnished” celebrities in the British tabloid press by looking at noun phrases,

headlines, and narrative structures used in celebrity gossip publications. Results

indicate that tabloids manage to offer their own definition of newsworthiness to

the public by drawing on and evoking human emotions. However, upon closer

scrutiny, Breeze (2009) posits that while none of the positions of the tabloid are

culturally critical, no one asks why the topics are newsworthy or why the

individuals reported on are in the public eye. As a result, the ideologies and

reconstruction of reality in tabloid discourse continually generate and maintain

the myth of the star.

Another critical discourse analysis of newspaper articles studied how

television represented scientists (Attenborough, 2011). The researcher examined

four UK newspaper articles for both a male and female celebrity who played

television scientists. Attenborough (2011) examined these newspapers under the

assumption that language is constructive. Therefore, he examined the

constructed words and structures to discover how the discourse is performative,

thereby, how the language in the newspapers was active. Findings included that

while both celebrities (male and female) had been sexualized, the way that they

were sexualized (as a result of gender differences) was different. However,

Attenborough (2011) viewed the process of sexualization as less obvious than

that of advertising, but not less pervasive. Overall, conclusions show that

regardless of the media portrayal, celebrities go through a process of

sexualization; however, Attenborough (2011) noticed that representations of the

idealized and sexualized are no longer limited to women’s bodies.

Researchers have employed critical discourse analysis to study substance

abuse as well. Despite the fact that this methodology is functional to mediated

texts, Rodner (2005) applied it to interviews of 44 drug users. The premise of the

study was that the participants interviewed did not identify as drug abusers, but

rather as drug users, making a distinction between the two labels. This was

accomplished through examining interview transcripts by paying close attention

to specific wording and grammar. Rodner (2005) investigated how the

participants maintained their identity and self-presentation as drug users. Users

did not identify as drug abusers as a result of (a) maintaining a permanent

residence, (b) meeting daily obligations, and (c) having no contact with social

authorities as a result of their usage. A critical discourse analysis was employed

by coding the interviews into two categories: the representation of self and the

representation of others. Discoveries included that individuals felt that they were

not drug abusers by looking at the presentation of others. Therefore, their

presentation of self was positive, basing these identity discourses on what they

“were not” (drug abusers with home, job, and legal problems and consequences).

The implications of Rodner’s (2005) critical discourse analysis are that individuals

struggle through contradictory messages as they attempt to navigate through

current drug policies and societal drug narratives.

Similar to Rodner’s (2005) study of drug users, critical discourse analysis

has also been employed to examine the consumption of alcohol. Day, Gough,

and McFadden (2003), for instance, conducted focus groups with 23 participants

to inspect the way working class women speak, specifically in terms of drinking

and fighting. Day et al. (2003) found that women take part in “traditional male

activities” such as frequent public drinking. As a result, Day et al. (2003)

conducted their focus groups by investigating the role of aggression when

women were out drinking in public. The focus groups were recorded, and then

conversations were critically analyzed. Findings reveal that when out drinking,

women often exhibit and take part in aggressive behavior. These behaviors

exhibit themselves in either direct aggression (e.g., shouting) or indirect

aggression (e.g., gossiping). Given the fact that women were publicly

participating in a drinking culture while exhibiting aggression, Day et al. (2003)

imply that the myth that women are not aggressive needs to be deconstructed.

Furthermore, in public drinking contexts, women were presented as perpetrators

of aggression, not just victims. As a result, between the drinking and aggressive

behaviors, the authors suggest that the way gendered identities are constructed

is important, as this discourse analysis found how women’s drinking and

aggression focuses on the construction of masculine identities. While Day et al.

(2003) examined discourses of aggression in public drinking establishments

through the use of focus groups; other areas of research include the effects of

how women are perceived when drinking.

Analyzing British newspaper coverage of how women who drink are

viewed in media, Day et al. (2004) continued to employ a critical discourse

analysis. They examined 13 tabloid articles and 14 news articles which portrayed

women in context of their drinking. The researchers employed a critical discourse

analysis of these texts by examining multiplicity and complexity of single units of

meaning, objectifications of women’s alcohol use through visual imagery, and

ideological assumptions of women and alcohol evident in the media texts (Day et

al., 2004). Some of the discourses which were located during the analysis were:

aggression and violence, gender neutrality, sex and sexuality, as well as a focus

on the feminine body. Ideological implications included an emphasis on alcohol

consumption as a masculine activity by the media and the assertion of sexuality

by women who drink in media discourses. Overall, the researchers found that the

positioning of women drinking within news media is often reported on in

problematic ways and that drinking (particularly for women) is a challenging

leisure choice.

In summary, this review of literature engaging critical discourse analysis

as a methodology demonstrates it has numerous applications and is an

appropriate methodological approach to study celebrity substance abuse given

the societal implications of substance abuse and the cultural impact of

celebrities. The goal of critical discourse analysis is to determine textual,

ideological underpinnings, including its relationship with power. Discovering

these ideologies helps audiences be aware of the ideologies that elite media

perpetuate, consciously or not. Thus, I used critical discourse analysis to

demonstrate how media depict celebrity substance abuse and to examine what

consequences are offered in such portrayals.

Texts

To conduct this study, I collected data from the online version of The New

York Times. This newspaper was used for analysis based on its large readership

and its elite position within the country and the world. In terms of circulation, The

New York Times is the second most read newspaper in the United States,

following the Wall Street Journal (Edmunds, Guskin, Mitchell & Jurkowitz, 2013).

The Wall Street Journal reports on business news, while The New York Times

reports on international, national, and popular news. Therefore, while The New

York Times has the second largest circulation numbers for all the newspapers in

the nation, it leads the popular news industry in circulation.

The second reason I chose to collect data from The New York Times is

due to its presence as an elite newspaper. It has been called the American

“newspaper of record” (Golan, 2006, p. 327) and is often cited as a single

publication which may be successful in determining or shaping the news agenda

(Golan, 2006; Jordan, 1993).

For this study, I first conducted a keyword search of The New York Times

online for celebrity stories containing instances of substance abuse. However,

news stories archived in The New York Times online were not organized by

keywords, but instead the search identified all the times the keywords were on a

given web page. For instance, in conducting a keyword search of “celebrity

substance and abuse” the results revealed every time the word “celebrity”

appeared in the newspaper, thereby producing articles which included celebrities

but not substance abuse. As a result, many of the search hits were not relevant

to celebrity substance abuse. Therefore, I searched for The New York Times

stories on celebrity substance abuse using the LexisNexis database. The

keywords used for finding articles included: “celebrity” and “substance abuse,”

“celebrity” and “addiction,” “celebrity” and “drugs,” and “celebrity” and “alcohol.”

To obtain the most recent news articles and to have an appropriate sample size,

I limited the search to all news stories regarding substance abuse within the past

year (December 2012 – December 2013). From my search results, I eliminated

all the articles that had to do with other addictions outside of drugs and alcohol,

as well as stories collected not pertaining directly to celebrity use of substances.

As a result, 31 news stories that reported on celebrity drug and alcohol

substance abuse remained. Since LexisNexis results did not include images

correlating with the news stories, I looked up the news article on The New York

Times online version in order to gain access to these news stories’ images.

Once these 31 news reports were collected, I employed a critical

discourse analysis to conduct my analysis. This was accomplished by examining

all the visual images, headlines, bylines, and stories. These articles were

scrutinized by looking at the kinds of word choices found in the articles and

headlines and their significance (lexical analysis), in order to determine whether

the news media identified celebrity substance abusers as having distinct traits.

Furthermore, all the texts were studied for rhetorical strategies to examine

semantic elements of discourse (van Dijk, 1983) such as metaphors, denotation,

connotation, and syntax. However, “understanding sentences as part of a

discourse is a different process from understanding sentences in isolation” (van

Dijk & Kintsch, 1983, p. 32). As a result, I conducted a large-scale study of

meaning across the texts as a whole to understand narratives and uncover

ideologies regarding celebrities and substance abuse. This larger scale inquiry

included looking at how celebrity news stories were framed, episodically or

thematically, across the sample.

Furthermore, I examined the texts for word connotations and the use of

quotes. I also paid attention to the nomination or functionalization of celebrities,

attempting to determine if individuals were put into terms of who they are or what

they do. Furthermore, my exploration was extended by inspecting images, or the

iconography of the news stories. This was accomplished by deconstructing

images in terms of their size, color, focus (referring to image clarity), closeness

and shot type (headshot, close up, medium or long shot) of the images in order

to determine their salience.

When conducting a qualitative textual analysis, it is important to note the

role of the researcher as the instrument. Specifically, when conducting a critical

discourse analysis, it was significant that I was aware of the set of expectations I

brought to the text (before I even read/analyzed it). These expectations may

inhibit the findings of interpretations within texts if I am not predisposed to them.

However, the benefits of critically examining a text outweigh these limitations,

particularly if attempting to identify intersections of power and ideology within

news reporting. In fact, being aware of these limitations does not mean that they

are negated, but means that I am more likely to be critical of the discourse

analyzed, which is the premise of critical discourse analysis.

In order to avoid potential biases or misinterpretations of the texts, I

examined the texts multiple times, always keeping an open mind to the surface

level of meaning and the deeper frames located within the text; making sure I

was discovering the ideologies located within the media and not maintaining

preconceived ideologies that I may hold on my own. The goal of my textual

analysis was to discover social markers, cultural assumptions, and ideologies

present within celebrity news stories in order to understand how the news media

portray substance abuse.

Theoretical Perspectives: Cultivation and Framing Theory

In order to examine how celebrity substance abuse is portrayed in news

media, I relied upon the theoretical perspectives of cultivation and framing

theories. I begin with cultivation theory which is comprehensive in nature and

frequently used by media researchers (see e.g. Arendt, 2010, 2012; Bryant &

Miron, 2004; Gerbner, Gross, Morgan & Signorielli, 1980; Morgan & Shanahan,

2010; Roberts & Christenson, 2000).

Originally proposed by Gerbner (1969, 1977), cultivation theory posits that

long term exposure to television, or “stories” according to Gerbner (1969),

presents a version of mediated reality. This mediated world view is often

inaccurate from “reality.” However, cultivation theory suggests that the more an

individual is exposed to the media or mediated stories, the more likely one is to

adopt and accept the mediated reality as an accurate and applicable framework

in which to view the world. Therefore, the focus of cultivation theory places more

emphasis on the potential influence of media exposure over the course of time,

rather than direct effects of isolated exposure to media content. Cultivation theory

assumes that media enable the cultivation of ideologies for audiences through

repeated exposure of messages. It is important to note that the emphasis is on

message exposure over individual message interpretation (Gerbner 1977;

Gerbner, Gross, Morgan, Signorielli, & Shanahan, 2002). Therefore, the

frequency in which a message occurs, or the frequency an ideology occurs within

mediated discourse, the more likely individuals are to adopt that interpretation.

Cultivation theory was originally proposed to apply to television content,

and operates under the hypothesis that heavy television viewers are more

influenced by mediated messages than light television viewers (Gerbner, 1977;

Gerbner et al., 2002). As a result, individuals who spend large amounts of time

watching television are more likely to perceive the world and social reality in

ways which reflect the dominant and most common messages in television. An

important distinction of cultivation theory is that media (specifically television)

viewing has long-term effects; while these effects are indirect, gradual, and

minimal although they become collective and substantial over time.

Cultivation theorists demonstrate that while the range of learning which

takes place from media is expansive, it can be distinguished as first-order effects

or second-order effects (Gerbner, Gross, Morgan, & Signorielli, 1986). First-order

effects refer to facts and general beliefs about the world which individuals may

learn as a result of time with media. These include, but are not limited to, the

prevalence of occupational roles in society, crime rates, and demographics. On

the other hand, second-order effects outline attitudes and judgments of which

individuals may acquire through the media. Examples of second-order effects

include beliefs regarding gender roles, perceptions of minorities, attitudes

towards drugs and alcohol, and judgments regarding substance abusers.

The link between first- and second-order effects and how individuals make

judgments about social reality are correlated to how individuals process media

content. For example, Van den Bulck (2003) claims that processing media

content takes place off-line (when individuals’ recollections of previously viewed

media content is involved in the decision making process) and on-line (when

individuals think about media content as they are consuming it). Typically, first-

order judgments and beliefs of facts are made off-line while second-order

judgments and beliefs about attitudes are created during on-line processing. As a

result, knowledge about society and the world is gained by considering previous

media consumption, while beliefs about society and the world are constructed

through reflecting on media content as it is consumed. Scholars employing

cultivation theory acknowledge that both judgments are impacted via media

exposure, but are mostly concerned with the relationship between media and

second-order judgments.

Researchers employing cultivation theory have demonstrated the gradual,

yet consistent link between repeated media exposure and viewing to conceptions

of social reality (Gerbner, 1998). As mentioned earlier, the large portion of

cultivation research focuses on television. For example, Woo and Dominick

(2001) examined television talk shows and discovered that individuals who were

heavy television viewers held different beliefs about marriage infidelity and

premarital sex than light viewers.

When applying this theory to celebrity substance abuse news stories, not

all individuals who are exposed to media will have cultivation effects since textual

meanings are polysemic. Therefore, discourses within a text can be interpreted a

number of ways due to audience agency (Hall, 1980). However, while it is

understood that news media about celebrity substance abuse would not carry the

same meaning for all readers, it is acknowledged that there is a dominant

ideology present, regardless of how a text is interpreted or read. The goal of this

research was to discover the dominant level of meaning, thereby unlocking news

ideologies pertaining to celebrity substance abuse. Nevertheless, according to

cultivation theory, those individuals who spend more time consuming celebrity

substance abuse stories may develop and adhere to ideological attitudes and

beliefs espoused by the media.

Cultivation Theory Literature

Much of the cultivation theory research revolves around heavy television

viewers having a higher fear of crime than other individuals (Grabe & Drew,

2007; Nabi & Sullivan, 2001; Romer, Jamieson, & Aday, 2003; Van den Bulck,

2004; Weitzer & Kubrin, 2004). This concept is often described as a “mean world

syndrome,” where individuals relate media content to reality and, in turn, develop

beliefs regarding crime and safety in the real world. Many genres of television

have been analyzed to support cultivation theory in relation to the fear of crime,

including news stories and reality police shows. However, Van den Bulck (2004)

demonstrated associations between the fear of crime and overall television

viewing, regardless of genre of programs viewed. Despite the fact that cultivation

theory research is largely focused on television, cultivation theory is applicable to

many other forms of media.

Several studies have employed cultivation theory outside the scope of

television. For example, research has been conducted applying cultivation theory

and the internet (Peter & Valkenburg, 2006) and newspaper content (Arendt,

2010, 2012; Grabe & Drew, 2007; Lubbers, Scheepers, & Vergeer, 2000).

Undoubtedly, both television and newspapers are an important source of

information. When incorporating cultivation theory with print news, “it is assumed

that the more people read a newspaper, the more their reality estimates and

attitudes correspond to the most recurrent, stable, and overarching patterns of

the newspaper’s content” (Arendt, 2010, p. 147).

Little research exists, to my knowledge, on cultivation theory and

substance abuse; even less research exists on cultivation theory and celebrity.

However, Beullens, Roe, and Van den Bulck (2012) examined the role music

videos’ portrayals that “reckless” behaviors may have on youth in regards to

driving after consuming alcohol. Thus, the only current research I found which

displays both variables of celebrity (music artists) and alcohol is Beullens et al.

(2012) who assumed that exposure to frequent depictions of risky driving

behavior, as depicted in music videos, may cultivate attitudes parallel to these

depictions. Findings included that more music video viewing is associated with a

more positive attitude toward risky driving, although the relationship was

negligible.

Turning away from substance abuse but focusing on celebrities, Lewis

and Shewmaker (2011) used cultivation theory in a content analysis regarding

teen celebrity websites. Specifically, she analyzed sexualized content on teen

celebrity websites and found that children who increasingly view media images

on teen celebrity websites were exposed to the sexualization of women. As a

result, this contact provided younger children with the opportunity to cultivate

beliefs regarding women’s primary source of power and worth -- sexual

attractiveness.

This brief review of cultivation theory evinces it is applicable in

examinations of many forms of media, including newspapers. As such, I used

cultivation theory as the theoretical framework to conduct my analysis of print

news media coverage of celebrity substance abuse. According to cultivation

theory, by consuming media, individuals may learn how to interpret and make

sense of substance abuse, particularly in a social realm. This learning may occur

as a result of how media frames issues of substance abuse in news stories.

Hence, I merged cultivation theory with framing theory as underlying

perspectives when I engaged in this research.

Framing Theory

How an issue is characterized and portrayed in the media can influence

how the issue is understood and interpreted by audiences. Specifically,

Lawrence, Bammer, and Chapman (2000) state “the way in which media frame

and thereby define issues for public consumption influences public perceptions”

(p. 254). Moreover, the way media may influence audiences’ understanding is a

result of individuals’ recall and beliefs stored in memory (Chong & Druckman,

2007). This notion was first identified in frame analysis, in which Goffman (1974)

claims that individuals actively categorize and interpret life experiences in order

to make sense of them. Goffman (1974) labels this process as “schemata of

interpretation” (or frames) which enables individuals “to locate, perceive, identify,

and label” (p. 21) information and experiences.

The concept of framing has been developed even further by Gamson and

Modigliani (1987) who identify frames as “a central organizing idea or story line

that provides meaning” (p. 143). It is through these frames that audiences create

reality (Scheufele, 1999) relying on “personal experience, interaction with peers,

and interpreted selections from the mass media” (Neuman, Just, & Crigler, 1992,

p. 120). This reliance on previous experiences and media is known as framing

effects (Chong & Druckman, 2007). However, in order for framing effects to

occur, the experiences, information and issues need to be available and stored in

memory. As a result, media frames influence individuals’ opinions and

perceptions by making information readily available to audiences. The more

appeal a story has to an audience, combined with the frequency in which the

media frame is depicted for an issue, the more likely individuals will adopt media

frames into their personal schema.

Media Frames

“Mass media actively set the frames of reference that readers or viewers

use to interpret and discuss public events” (Tuchman, 1978, p. ix). Through these

frames, social problems are constructed. Furthermore, frames may define

problems, causes, and solutions for social issues (Mastin & Choi, 2007). Media

frames highlight certain aspects of an issue while other aspects may be omitted.

It is important to note that frames are different than topics. Mass media topics are

considerably more observable than frames. Frames are embedded “themes”

within media and media topics. Bullock, Wyche, and Williams (2001) argue that

frames are “powerful, but typically unnoticed, mechanisms that affect viewers’

judgments of responsibility and causality” (p. 233). Furthermore, Gamson et al.

(1992) note the embedding of facts and images in frames allow media to coincide

with social construction of reality. Therefore, the way in which the media frame

issues relates to the way those issues are viewed, discussed, and solved in a

social realm. In other words, the media determine ways that problems are

defined, as well as causes and moral evaluations surrounding problems and

issues, thereby influencing individuals’ opinions on relevant issues and personal

schema (Weaver, 2007). Entman (1993) suggests that media frames work by

making particular events and pieces of information more salient to individuals,

therefore allowing individuals to recall and draw on media frames to interpret and

understand social issues.

A significant amount of research has examined frames, specifically in

news reporting (see, e.g., Gorin & Dubied, 2011; Manning, 2006; Mastin & Choi,

2007; Vreese, 2005). For example, Vreese (2005) illustrates how framing defines

and determines news through frame building. First, frame building takes place in

a news room. Frame building explains how discourse about an issue is enacted

in the news media. This happens with constant interaction between journalists

and elites (Tuchman, 1978) and social movements.

This first stage is depicted as framing in the newsroom, where editorial

policies and news values determine how journalists represent stories in the

news. Then, these frames manifest in the text and become frames in the news.

Lastly, framing effects (how media framing influences audiences) occurs as a

result of individuals interacting with news frames. Framing effects include social

learning, information processing, and attitudinal and behavioral effects. This

framing process represents the relationship of how media elites’ and journalists’

views set frames in news with which individuals interact.

Furthermore, framing has been examined within the way news stories

present issues and information. Iyengar (1991) identifies two types of frames that

most news reports adopt: thematic frames and episodic frames. Thematic news

frames often are issue-oriented and often frame the news story or issue within a

social context. Episodic frames focus more on specific or individual level frames;

therefore, illustrating social problems with individual examples and often place

responsibility on individuals (Mastin & Choi, 2007).

To further understand types of frames, researchers have studied the

frequency in which these frames appear in news media. Kunkel, Smith, Suding,

and Biely (2002) found that 89% of news stories used an episodic frame when

analyzing news stories regarding children’s issues. Furthermore, Kunkel et al.

(2002) discovered that stories of youth crime and child abuse were less than 1%

likely to report public policy or (thematic) contextual information. The common

frame of news media is that newspapers do not generally provide context and

statistical information.

This is further evidenced by Artwick and Gordon (1998) who revealed that

out of eight daily newspapers in metropolitan cities, only 1/3 of the news was

presented with contextual information regarding crimes. Episodic framing trends

in news media were also revealed in a content analysis of domestic violence

fatalities conducted by Bullock and Cubert (2002). Specifically, they contend that

over 99% of the stories contained information cited as factual without attributing a

source and that 90% of the articles presented murders as isolated incidents,

rather than contextualizing the broader picture of domestic violence being a

problem throughout society.

Framing plays a central role in the public understanding of issues. The

same is true for news media regarding substance abuse. For example, Hansen

and Gunter (2007) argue that “news reporting plays a key role in both the

building of public and political agendas and in framing the terms of discussion

around substance abuse” (p. 153). Furthermore, media can be a powerful role in

supporting or opposing thoughts and policies on substance abuse (Lawrence,

Bammer, & Chapman, 2000). However, even though societal understanding of

substance abuse is culturally mediated (Becker, 1963; Grinspoon, 1971), little

attention has been paid to this framework. Manning (2006) notes that little

devotion has been given to the role of how media reproduce frameworks of

substance abuse. It is important to analyze news stories about substance abuse

given that media frames have the capability of directing attention and restricting

the perspectives available to audiences (Hall, 1980) regarding social issues.

Vreese (2005) comments that it is through scholarly analysis that frames

emerge from material. This thesis does not attempt to test how or why media

theories work, as it is outside the scope of a qualitative textual analysis. Instead, I

coupled the methodological approach of critical discourse analysis with

cultivation theory and framing theory as theoretical perspectives to answer my

research questions and discover how celebrity substance abuse is framed and its

consequences are portrayed within print news media.

CHAPTER THREE

THE NEW YORK TIMES’ PORTRAYAL OF

CELEBRITY SUBSTANCE ABUSE

At first glance, the discourse of celebrity substance abuse appears

sensationalized in the news. For example, tabloids such as TMZ, Access

Hollywood, and Star magazine exhibit a proliferation of celebrities in regards to

relationship failures, financial problems, weight control issues and anything

scandalous. For instance, stories regarding Lindsay Lohan making a list of

celebrities she has slept with has premiered on many tabloid websites

(eonline.com), magazines (US Magazine), and shows (Access Hollywood).

Furthermore, Lohan is saying that this “sex list” surfaced while she was in a

substance abuse rehabilitation center, and that the list was one part of the steps

in the twelve step program for Alcoholics Anonymous. Moreover, Lohan’s sex list

is being reported by major online news sites such as Fox News, the Los Angeles

Times and the Chicago Tribune.

Conversely, no articles on Lohan’s “sex list” have appeared in The New

York Times. This may be a result of The New York Times’ reputation, where

people may expect the newspaper to contain articles covering the serious social

issue of celebrity substance abuse but not debase themselves by reporting on

something they may not deem newsworthy. Although, in this analysis, The New

York Times’ articles included topics that could be perceived as scandalous by

some readers. Such topics included legal problems and relationship loss evolving

from substance abuse.

Celebrities and Substances

In this analysis of 31 The New York Times articles, many types of

celebrities were presented (n = 25, see Appendix A). For example, eight of the

celebrity articles were about actors and actresses, eight about professional

athletes, and seven were about music artists. The remaining articles in the

sample consisted of two articles about fashion designers, two articles about a

celebrity chef, one reporting on a politician’s daughter, one about an artist, one

about a news-cast anchor, and one about an individual who achieved celebrity

status for his relationship with Liberace.

In terms of substances abused, seven articles mentioned drugs and

alcohol without detailing specifics, six articles mentioned drugs without naming

specific drugs, six articles reported on alcohol only, and the remaining 12 articles

mentioned specific drugs; most commonly cocaine, heroin, and marijuana

followed by methamphetamines, crack cocaine, and narcotic painkillers such as

Vicodin and codeine (see Appendix B). Almost all the articles included quotes by

the celebrity that the story revolved around, unless it was a story regarding an

individual’s death (although many of these stories included quotes from friends or

family situating their addiction in context).

In addition, as evidenced in this analysis, no news stories acknowledged

the amount or frequency of substances abused. For example, individuals took

responsibility in acknowledging that substance abuse had disrupted and created

conflict in their lives; however, none of the stories or celebrities described

substance abuse explicitly in regards to how much or how often they consumed

drugs or alcohol. As a result, readers are left to wonder as to what constitutes

substance abuse or addiction, and that potentially frequency or amount of

substance intake is extraneous.

The overarching view of celebrity substance abuse stories as portrayed in

The New York Times is a dichotomy. The New York Times, overall, presents

substance abuse as an individual problem in that the articles depict episodic

frames, celebrities taking personal acceptance of their substance abuse, and

stories primarily devoted to the individuals’ achievement of sobriety. Finally, the

ultimate paradox is evident when comparing the headlines and articles to the

images presented. The written text reveals the tribulations of substance abuse

whereas the images reveal happy and healthy celebrities managing their lives

and careers despite having substance abuse issues.

Episodic and Thematic Frames

Of the 31 celebrity substance abuse news stories analyzed, 25 of them

were in the context of episodic frames; meaning that substance abuse,

consequences of substance abuse, and recovery from substance abuse were

framed by concentrating on and placing responsibility on individuals (Mastin &

Choi, 2007). All of these articles focused on individual celebrity substance abuse

instead of the larger, social issue of substance abuse. For example, mentions of

substance abuse were limited to individual celebrities and never put into context

of substance abuse being a larger scale, social problem.

Only five articles displayed substance abuse as a thematic issue,

demonstrating that substance abuse is not isolated to celebrities or individuals

but is a larger problem, with social and cultural implications. However, since the

articles were about celebrity substance abuse, meaning that a celebrity was

highlighted or mentioned, these articles also simultaneously demonstrated

episodic frames. Although, in these five articles, episodic frames were used as a

starting point or platform to introduce thematic frames.

For example, one article discussed a fundraiser headed by Eric Clapton in

order to raise money for a substance abuse treatment facility in the Caribbean, a

place where Clapton says “alcohol was still regarded as immoral or sinful

behavior” instead of a medical problem or disease (McKinley Jr., 2013b, para. 7).

Furthermore, the article continued to state how many individuals from the

Caribbean and United States have received treatment at the facility. A second

article included a news story about a Mayor-elect’s daughter, who posted a video

on YouTube telling her story and experience with substance abuse (episodic) in

hopes to help and encourage others to talk about and discuss their substance

abuse issues (thematic) (Hernandez & Grynbaum, 2013). A third article briefly

mentioned Elizabeth Vargas’ (a news anchor) substance abuse, but quotes the

celebrity as saying “like so many others, I am dealing with addiction” (Stelter,

2013, para. 12). While this quote did not highlight the social implications and

impacts of substance abuse, it did acknowledge that addiction is an epidemic

that affects many people. However, it is difficult to determine if Vargas put her

addiction in the context of a problem that many others have in order to rationalize

her own issues with addiction.

One article explicitly focused on framing substance abuse in a larger,

social context. This article was written by Kristen Johnston (2013), the celebrity

the article was about, and while it highlighted her addiction and sobriety, the

focus of the article was how Johnston is involved in organizations to help other

substance abusers. In fact, she said that most addicts are not celebrities and that

“out of the hundreds of thousands of addicts I’ve spoken to at events or through

social media, not a single one of them is famous” (Johnston, 2013, para. 14).

This article continued to detail the larger implications of substance abuse by

highlighting that substance abuse “is an epidemic that now claims more lives per

year than car accidents or guns. Drugs are the number one cause of death in

emergency rooms, yet there are no swanky benefits to raise funds to eradicate it”

(Johnston, 2013, para. 15). The article illuminated the lack of treatment for

addicts, the lack of insurance coverage for treatment, and the imprisonment of

people whose only crime is being an addict. The goal of the article was to portray

the impacts that substance abuse has on society in order to diminish individuals

being “ostracized for being an addict” (Johnston, 2013, para. 16).

Another article demonstrated an episodic frame by focusing on Cory

Monteith’s death. However, the article moved to a thematic nature when the

chairman of Fox said that Glee, the show which casted Monteith, will have an

episode which “deals directly with the incident [drug overdose] involved in Cory’s

passing” (Carter, 2013, para. 2). Furthermore, the show was to also include

public service announcements from the cast addressing the issue of addiction.

However, a separate article published two months later said that while Monteith’s

death seemed like the ideal way to show a “cautionary tale to young viewers”

(Stanley, 2013, para. 2), no mention of substance abuse or substance abuse

public service announcements were present. In fact, there was no hint of how

Monteith’s character died in the Glee episode and there were “no elliptical

references to the dangers of substance abuse – not even an Amy Winehouse

song” (Stanley, 2013, para. 4). While the episodic nature of Monteith’s death

seemed like a way to depict the thematic nature of substance abuse, neither The

New York Times nor Glee framed it in this manner. Instead, “the show’s writers

went out of their way to step around the obvious” (Stanley, 2013, para. 5),

thereby narrowing the way that substance abuse is viewed socially and culturally.

It’s Not You, It’s Me: Taking Personal Acceptance

While some articles attributed other individuals and institutions for their

substance abuse, many of the celebrities took responsibility for their substance

abuse in news stories (n = 10, 32%). For example, in an article about

professional football player Pat Summerall, he stated “I was behind bars, pointing

fingers at everybody but myself. I finally realized that I’m in charge, that it’s me

with the addiction” (Goldstein, 2013b, para. 15). This was a common finding of

those who accept responsibility for their substance abuse. For most of the

celebrities who accepted responsibility, it was a direct result of consequences

they had experienced from substance abuse, such as being incarcerated.

Eight celebrities (32%) accepted ownership of their substance abuse by

referring to their involvement with drugs and alcohol as a learning experience.

For example, professional baseball player Josh Hamilton claimed, “I have

learned from the drug stuff, I can’t live in the past, because I can’t change

anything about it” (Kepner, 2013, para. 17) and Scott Thorson (a celebrity from

association with Liberace) stated, “this experience has taught me and scared me

straight, there comes a time when you have to stop lying to yourself and face

your mistakes” (Segal, 2013, para. 10). Moreover, Steve Madden (a celebrity

fashion shoe designer) stated “I can’t drink and drug safely, so I choose not to

now” (Holson, 2013, para. 9). Inherently, this quote demonstrates that some

individuals can drink and take drugs “safely.” This is an interesting word choice

as all the articles but one displayed that alcohol and drugs are not safe when

consumed or combined together.

In these news stories, taking ownership of substance abuse was a direct

result of increasing conflict in one’s life. This aligns with Oksanen’s (2012) view

of addicts, as he describes that the amount of conflict (psychological, physical,

and/or social) that one experiences as a result of drugs and alcohol is a greater

indicator for substance abuse problems than the amount of consumption.

Furthermore, The New York Times exhibits that the celebrities reported on

suffering from substance abuse, as the articles highlighted consequences and

conflict and mentioned nothing about the amount of consumption.

The Blame Game: Attributing External Fault

While all the articles under investigation portrayed celebrities admitting to

substance abuse, not all of the articles demonstrated that they took personal

responsibility for their addiction. Thus, some articles focused on blaming outside

forces for their substance abuse. Furthermore, as evidenced by the texts,

reporters took a neutral position and rarely made comments regarding blame or

ownership of the celebrities’ substance abuse.

Some celebrities portrayed substance abuse as the fault of the “other”

rather than the actual user by utilizing language that exemplified external blame

(n = 4, 13%). For example, one article noted that Nigella Lawson (a celebrity

chef) blamed her drug use on her first husband, saying she first used cocaine

with him since “it gave him some escape” when he was terminally ill with cancer

(Erlanger, 2013, para. 6). This example accentuates that her drug use was a

result of being the “good wife” and obliging her husband’s request for relief

through the use of drugs. However, while her drug use is attributed as meeting

the requests of her first husband (who died of cancer), she continued to use

drugs intermittently during her second marriage. During this marriage Nigella

Lawson admitted that she used drugs, although the reason for doing so was

continually put into context of being married to a “brutal man” and feeling

“isolated,” and “unhappy” (Erlanger, 2013, para. 8).

Furthermore, in another article regarding Lawson a reporter warranted her

drug usage by saying “messing with drugs during a low period? Plenty of people

would find these things defensible...” (Teeman, 2013, para. 11). This reaction

demonstrates that while substance abuse is a questionable behavior, there are

times when it may be justified and acceptable. Furthermore, it takes the focus of

abusing substances away from the celebrity and puts it in relation to life’s

situations.

While the articles demonstrated that Lawson blamed her two previous

husbands for her substance abuse, two other articles pointed blame towards

professional sports. Both of these articles depicted national sports organizations

(National Football League and National Hockey League) as being the cause for

athletes’ addictions. Both cases have current lawsuits, and one of the suits

alleges “due to his ingestion of an inordinate amount of pain medications

prescribed by the N.H.L. team physicians, he became addicted to opioids”

(Branch, 2013, para. 18). It is important to reference that the substances

mentioned in these articles were not the typical performance enhancing drugs

that lead to the professional demise of other athletes such as Mark McGuire and

Lance Armstrong, but rather were amphetamines, sedatives, and painkillers.

Branch (2013) included that team doctors provided illicit prescriptions, and also

noted that some players become so addicted that they had to buy substances

illegally.

These articles extolled that the national sports organizations are not liable

for problems caused by addictions as it was the individuals’ decisions to use the

drugs. However, the articles provided examples of blaming the sporting

institutions, such as Sweeney writing a memoir titled “Off Guard: The Story of the

Earliest Drug Scandal in Professional Football...” (Slotnik, 2013a, para. 6).

Furthermore, vivid examples demonstrate that the substances came from team

physicians. For example, Sweeney stated “it was the San Diego Chargers

trainers and doctors who gave me pregame amphetamines to rev me up,

postgame sedatives to bring me down, painkillers as ‘needed’ and steroids”

(Slotnik, 2013a, para. 5). Branch (2013) reported that hockey player Boogaard

“was provided copious amounts of prescription pain medications, sleeping pills,

and painkiller injections by N.H.L. teams’ physicians, dentists, trainers, and staff”

(para. 15). After reading these articles, it was hard to find fault with the

individuals. Yet while claiming that Sweeney’s “drug addiction is directly related

to the game,” a following paragraph noted that Sweeney was a hard drinker and

had many drinking bouts well before playing professional sports (Slotnik, 2013a,

para. 5). Moreover, the same article stated that after Sweeney’s playing career,

his substance abuse worsened.

Nonetheless, while the article continually reiterated the claim that the drug

addiction was caused by the N.F.L., there were no questions or statements

regarding Sweeney’s relationship with alcohol before he played, or if that was

even a contributing factor. Furthermore, while the N.F.L. was continually berated

and blamed for his substance abuse, there was no spotlight on his responsibility

as an addict, particularly after his professional playing career and ties with the

N.F.L were over in 1975.

While these articles regarding celebrity substance abuse rarely used the

word “blame,” every time substance abuse was mentioned, it highlighted

someone (other individuals) or something else (national sports organizations),

rather than the actual celebrity. Furthermore, while blaming was evident in a

small amount of the news stories and attribution for substance abuse ranged

from individual’s (ex-husbands), feelings of isolation and unhappiness (as

evidenced previously by Lawson), and professional sports organizations; no

person or organization assumed responsibility or liability for the substance

abuse. The lack of ownership for substance abuse allows readers to negotiate

their own conclusions.

Are You Sober Now? Recovery and Relapse

Almost one half (n = 14, 45%) of the articles highlighted that celebrities

were either sober or recovering from substance abuse. However, the language

used to describe the absence of alcohol in celebrities’ lives was diverse. For

example, McKinley Jr. (2013b) stated that an individual “beat” his alcoholism in

the 1980s (para. 6), implying that alcoholism was a battle or challenge that was

“won” and never had to be “fought” a second time. Another example

demonstrating this depicted a celebrity who “finally achieved sobriety” (Rhodes,

2013, para. 9). This word choice implies that sobriety was hard to get, but once

achieved, it lasts forever. An additional article simply stated that a celebrity went

“to prison in 1989, but then turned his life around” (Goldstein, 2013b, para. 3). No

mention of how these individuals got sober exists; but that once they “turned their

life around” they no longer had to deal with substance abuse issues. In contrast,

research acknowledges that recovery from addiction is a lifelong process, not

something that just happens once and last forever, never having to be confronted

with again (Adams & Grieder, 2004; Laudet, 2007; Laudet, Savage, & Mahmood,

2002).

Many articles revealed celebrities who supposedly got sober instantly, and

never had to think about substance abuse another time (n = 9, 29%). However,

some presented the more realistic nature of substance abuse and identified the

difficulty in getting and maintaining sobriety (n = 5, 16%). For example, Holson

(2013) quoted Steve Madden who stated, “I chose not to drink or drug, but it is

not easy” (para. 9). This quote demonstrates that the absence of drugs and

alcohol is a choice; a decision that one just comes to and then acts on it.

However, by claiming it is not easy, this choice is framed as being a difficult

decision, not for just one day but many days to follow, as exemplified by other

articles that quote “becoming sober is the hardest thing I have done” (Hernandez

& Grynbaum, 2013, para. 12) and “I have been sober for 19 years, but I still have

nightmares” (McKinley Jr., 2013b, para. 13). Using the semantics of “nightmare”

to describe substance abuse is particularly intriguing as it implies that there is a

recurring reality of the past which no longer exists or that the “nightmare” of

substance abuse is a fabrication of the mind, something that takes place outside

of reality. Both of these implications take away from the everyday real choices,

decisions, temptations and treatments which keep addicts sober. Furthermore,

they negate the real possibility of relapse.

Many articles demonstrated the relationship and struggle between

substance abuse and sobriety by example of relapse (n = 9, 29%). For instance,

NIDA (2008) reports that relapses are prevalent in 40 – 60% substance abuse

patients. One article highlighted an individual who had been sober for seven

years but descended in a Vicodin addiction (Rhodes, 2013). Claiming current

sobriety, however, seems to be an important element in substance abuse news

stories. For instance, the aforementioned example was followed by mentioning

that this individual is “no longer drinking, smoking or taking drugs” (Rhodes,

2013, para. 13).

Another article reporting an individual’s current sobriety noted that he had

relapsed twice publicly (Kepner, 2013). Including the word “publicly” is unusual

word choice here. The lexical choice of “publicly” assumes the position that

relapses may be private. These relapses that the public was aware of are known,

but private relapses may exist that were not reported. As a result, it may lead the

audience to wonder if there were more than two relapses.

While the aforementioned articles focused on specific instances of

relapse, one article exemplified how substance abuse and sobriety can be a

lifelong effort. Segal (2013) wrote about Scott Thorson’s (who reached celebrity

status by being in a long term relationship with Liberace) long time struggle with

methamphetamines, prescription drugs, and cocaine. This was the only story that

illustrated continuous relapses over a span of 30 years. It depicted the celebrity

of now wanting to “be sober for good” (Segal, 2013, para. 9), which is a vow that

he has made numerous times. This embodies the skepticism that many

individuals have towards substance abusers who have asserted change, but to

no avail.

However, almost all the articles involving relapse focused on stints of

substance abuse much more than periods of sobriety; meaning that the articles

contained more information on substances abused and consequences than on

the process of sobriety. Inherently this demonstrates that substance abuse

stories are more newsworthy, entertaining, and hold more news value than

sobriety stories. This focus on relapse and the amount of stories that included

relapse demonstrates the skepticism in believing celebrities’ sobriety.

The notion that The New York Times questioned a celebrity’s sobriety is

best illustrated in Goldman’s (2013) article containing an interview with Dwight

Gooden, a Major League Baseball player. The first question Goldman (2013)

asked in the interview was “In your new book you proclaim your sobriety. But in

1999, you said you were sober in another memoir, and then wound up in jail

years later after testing positive for cocaine use. Why should we believe you

now?” (para. 1). Gooden responded that he was not honest with himself, and that

during the proclaimed sobriety he was still drinking, which he said was a direct

link to drugs. This seems to be an acceptable answer, as the article did not

discuss the topic further. Although the notion that the celebrity was not only

dishonest with himself in regards to his sobriety, but also the public is not further

examined or questioned. As a result, it seems that celebrities are responsible for

acknowledging and being honest with themselves regarding substance abuse,

but do not hold accountability to the public, despite being high profile public

figures.

Ten other stories discussed the fact that celebrities are currently sober.

However, the journalists in these stories were seemingly careful not to take a

stance on the issue. For example, journalists wrote that an individual is “clean

and sober now, by his own account” (Chinen, 2013, para. 4), and that a celebrity

“claims to be sober now” (Holson, 2013, para. 9). This type of wording suggests

that according to the celebrities, they are sober. Nevertheless, self-disclosure

from a sober addict or alcoholic may leave doubt with the reader.

Almost all of the news stories revolved around the desires or attainment of

sobriety. However, three articles depicted celebrities who either did not need or

want to be sober. For instance, while Nigella Lawson admitted to marijuana and

cocaine use, the article adamantly noted that she insists that “the idea that I am a

drug addict is absolutely ridiculous” as regular users of cocaine “are a lot thinner

than I am” (Erlanger, 2013, para. 14). This article demonstrates that while

Lawson used illicit substances (past tense as she states “I’m now drug-free,” but

does not use terms such as sobriety or recovery), she is not an addict. In

Lawson’s case, the amount or frequency of usage (or lack thereof) allows her to

think of her substance abuse as a thing of the past and not something that

interfered in her life or is problematic.

Furthermore, referring to the “thinness of cocaine users” solidifies typical

stereotypes that often follow substance abusers. Therefore, using cocaine is

acceptable if you are not “thin” because that is what regular users look like.

Lawson says that she is not an addict or habitual substance abuser, yet she is

sober now by her own account.

Still, not all articles depicted celebrities who wanted to be sober. This was

evident in Caramanica’s (2013) article about Lil Wayne, a hip-hop artist. The

article quoted that “Lil Wayne spoke about drugs not as an addict reformed but

as someone wrongly separated from his tonic” (Caramanica, 2013, para. 2). In

fact, referring to cough syrup with codeine, Lil Wayne admitted “I wish I could be

back on it. I was on something the doctor prescribed. I was ill, and that was

helping me” (Caramanica, 2013, para. 2). However, Lil Wayne agreed to regular

drug tests as part of a plea agreement in a separate drug possession case.

Lawson’s and Lil Wayne’s examples depict individuals who are sober as a result

of external influences, but believe themselves to not be addicts although they

both have a history of substance consumption.

In contrast, one article reported on rapper Juicy J (who is not sober or an

addict) in which he claimed to be drinking and using drugs. Juicy J admitted in

the interview that he was “still drunk” (Ryzik, 2013, para. 4). The author of the

article mentioned that this was not said to apologize or boast, but just an

acknowledgement. Juicy J claimed that his “whole life is not about strip clubs,

drinking, and partying” (para. 9), rather, the focus of the article was about how

hard he works. The article was contextualized in a way that the celebrity can

drink and party while simultaneously function in society and the workplace. For

example, Juicy J stated “I just got off the plane, I’m still intoxicated, but I’m doing

an interview with you. I’m a business man at the end of the day” (Ryzik, 2013,

para. 10). Although when asked what he was going to do next, Juicy J said “get

me a mimosa and listen to Barry White” (Ryzik, 2013, para. 10). While most of

the celebrities portrayed in The New York Times’ articles exhibited the desire or

attainment of sobriety, these were the only examples which exemplified

substance abuse as a fun and safe activity.

Contradicting Headlines and Images

Analysis of the headlines of The New York Times articles clearly depicted

what the articles are about -- celebrities. Of the 31 headlines, 18 (58%) of them

included a celebrity’s name. Furthermore, of the 31 article headlines, only 6

(19%) of them mentioned anything about substance abuse. Most of the articles

containing substance abuse references were in relation to a celebrity’s death.

Examples included headlines such as: “Second Inquest Confirms Amy

Winehouse Died of Alcohol Poisoning” (McKinley Jr., 2013a) and “Drug Toxicity

Caused Death of Cory Monteith” (Itzkoff, 2013a). Another headline proclaimed

that the New York Mayor’s daughter “revealed” her substance abuse (Hernandez

& Grynbaum, 2013). When conducting a critical discourse analysis of these

headlines, it is apparent that making note of a celebrity’s substance abuse is

newsworthy.

Almost all the articles under investigation had at least one correlating

image. Out of the 31 articles analyzed, there were 35 images. Given the topic of

substance abuse, I expected to see solemn and dark images that may reflect

guilt, regret or remorse; something that resembled the images of other celebrities

presented in the media (such as Whitney Houston, Lindsay Lohan, or Nick Nolte)

where celebrities look disheveled, crazed, and “washed up.” However, only three

images (8%) were present that depicted any form of solemnness.

One small, thumbnail image of Nigella Lawson showed a headshot of

Lawson staring off camera, almost as if she was avoiding eye contact (Teeman,

2013). This image was also dark in color and the surroundings around Lawson

were out of focus, making it difficult to interpret the context or location of the

image. However, she appeared scared and worried, exhibiting facial features of a

frown. While this image did not represent or demonstrate substance abuse in

anyway, it was the only image that contained a dark background, out of focus

shot, and an individual who appeared sad, scared, and concerned.

Another image of professional football player Walt Sweeney presented a

black and white headshot of Sweeney (Slotnik, 2013a). In this image, Sweeney

was not facing the camera, but looking at it from the side, with his eyes making

direct contact with the camera. Furthermore, Sweeney’s hand was resting on his

face and his mouth was closed; not exhibiting happiness or sadness, but rather a

look of solemnity. This image did not represent an individual who battled

substance abuse (although the caption said “he entered a rehabilitation center in

1995” (Slotnik, 2013a), but instead posed Sweeney as a serious person in deep

thought. While the image represented seriousness, and Sweeney appeared to be

in contemplation, the image did not demonstrate a man who was out of control.

Lastly, in an article written by actress Kristen Johnston advocating

recovery from substance abuse addiction, a large colorful image was presented.

Surprisingly, the image was unrelated to Johnston’s personal experience.

Instead, the image showed a young man being held, hugged and comforted by

two women. The young man’s held was tilted down; allowing his hair to cover his

eyes, but his facial expression was grave, almost as if showing remorse.

Furthermore, the women’s faces in the picture were not visible, as only the backs

of their heads were shown. The caption read “Kristen Johnston says that even

reality shows like ’Intervention’ do little to educate viewers about addiction”

(Johnston, 2013). Undoubtedly, the image was a generic still shot from the

television show. However, despite the show being about substance abuse,

without the caption, a reader would not deduce that this image represented

anything to do with substance abuse.

In contrast, every other image (n = 32, 91%) within the news stories

depicted celebrities in a variety of roles. Most of the images came from archives

such as the Associated Press or Getty Images. A large majority of the images

showed celebrities in the positions or careers in which they gained recognition

and stardom. For instance, Lil Wayne was featured rapping on a stage, athletes

were represented with images of them in the game and wearing uniforms, sports

broadcasters were pictured in the announcers booth, actors (such as Cory

Monteith) were represented by images of him on the red carpet, and an image of

Steve Madden (a fashion shoe designer) was photographed in an office

surrounded by many pairs of shoes. All of these images were clear and brightly

colored. When the images were not action shots (on a football field or fashion

runway), individuals were facing the camera and appeared happy or comfortable.

They did not appear to be the typical drug addict or alcoholic with dirty clothes,

un-coiffed hair, and disheveled looks.

While a few of the news stories had to do explicitly with substance abuse,

not one of the images present did. In fact, given how the stories themselves

contextualized substance abuse around relapses, consequences, the difficulty

and the overarching necessity to get sober, the images offered a bifurcated view

of this. While many of the news stories portrayed consequences and struggles of

substance abuse, the images represented happy, healthy, and successful

celebrities. Therefore, through this critical discourse analysis celebrities are

represented as in control of their lives, despite having substance abuse issues. In

turn, audiences may think that substance abuse has limited consequences on

the physicality of individuals as the visual images diminish the impact that

substance abuse has.

Essentially, the images displayed celebrities as happy, well-kept,

successful, and able to manage their day-to-day responsibilities. Given the

nature of the articles being represented with the image, it suggests that the

celebrities were under the influence of substances when photographed. This

notion further solidifies the notion that despite being substance abusers, these

celebrities can function in society and continue performing their jobs.

Furthermore, as the articles revealed that celebrities struggle with substance

abuse, the images encouraged readers to believe that celebrities are immune to

the consequences and effects of substance abuse.

Conclusion: Stardom Trumps Substance Abuse

Being a celebrity was at the heart of every news story. When portraying

substance abuse, it was often situated in the context of celebrity status. As

described earlier, maintaining celebrity status required continuous relevancy and

a position in the spotlight. A few of these news reports highlight this facet of

stardom. For instance, one article stated that a celebrity’s choice to share his

addiction-recovery story with magazines was a “classic public relations managed

bid to reclaim a reputation” (Horyn, 2013, para. 2). Demonstrating that having

substance abuse issues or stories to share may lead to continual recognition and

fame, a theme frequently found in tabloid journalism (Meyers, 2005).

However, some celebrities blamed their substance abuse issues on

celebrity careers and status. For example, an ex-football player stated that his

“drug addiction is directly related to the game” (Slotnik, 2013a, para. 5). At first

glance this does not have to do with being a celebrity, but it is the game that

gave him celebrity status. This quote claimed that if it were not for “the game” this

individual would not be a celebrity or a drug addict.

Another news story demonstrated the dichotomy that celebrity brings. For

example, the article stated, “she survived a traumatic childhood, and an abusive

first marriage. But she couldn’t survive success” (Rhodes, 2013, para. 7). Later,

in the same article the celebrity was quoted “I’m not depressed, I’m famous” (as if

they are mutually exclusive). These examples establish that while celebrities may

use substance abuse stories to stay relevant, they are also substance abusers

as a result of celebrity status. For instance, when talking about celebrity chefs, a

magazine editor stated “you’re supposed to do cocaine and smoke pot, be a bad

boy, work hard, party hard, party late, sleep late, go to work again” (Teeman,

2013, para. 4). This is how celebrity lifestyles are often portrayed, but celebrities

are frequently under more scrutiny than the general public, and the articles

investigated acknowledge this.

The role of celebrity is magnified in The New York Times in order to

distinguish that celebrities are not ”regular” or “average” individuals. “No one’s

going to raise an eyebrow about the average New Yorker going out and drinking

and sometimes doing cocaine” says another magazine editor (Teeman, 2013,

para. 5). However, if that someone is not average and instead, a celebrity, then

behavior is heavily scrutinized; even celebrities see themselves as different from

“others.” This is further noted by a sober actress/comedian Brett Butler saying “I

tend to think of alcoholism and depression as an illness in someone else and a

moral failing in myself” (Rhodes, 2013, para. 15).

Of course all the articles mentioned celebrity substance abuse, but

surprisingly few articles were about the discourse of substance abuse itself. Five

articles (16%) reported directly about substance abuse and/or sobriety

throughout their entirety. In addition, another four articles ( 13%) primarily

focused on substance abuse, but only in relation to explain or clarify a celebrity’s

death. In these stories, the celebrity’s death was the primary topic, with

substance abuse merely mentioned as the contributing factor.

However, the majority of articles were on topics unrelated to substance

abuse. Within these stories, the discourse of substance abuse was rarely

mentioned, often with only a sentence or two. For example, three of them were

news stories about celebrity deaths, and maybe mentioned one or two sentences

about a struggle with alcohol or drugs during their early career, but the deaths

themselves were not a result of substance (Fox, 2013; Goldstein, 2013b; Slotnik,

2013a). Another article was about the fashion industry and only carried one line

referring to a designer’s substance abuse and recovery (Horyn, 2013).

Overall, The New York Times demonstrates that celebrities have struggles

and issues with substance abuse, but the lack of attention to substance abuse is

obvious. Substance abuse is framed episodically, which is congruent with

findings by other media scholars regarding other social issues such as

homelessness and crime (Kunkel et al., 2002; Pascale, 2005). More emphasis is

put on why the individuals are celebrities by highlighting their accomplishments,

careers, successes, achievements, and deaths; rather than seriously engaging in

a discussion about substance abuse, including its causes, and the process of

sobriety. The common theme of this news media analysis is that The New York

Times does not provide context and statistical information regarding substance

abuse. On the other hand, many articles use the celebrities’ names in the

headlines, yet only six headlines (19%) mention anything about substance abuse

or sobriety. The notion that celebrity status and name recognition is more of a

story than the issue of substance abuse is clearly magnified when seeing the

adjacent photographs.

CHAPTER FOUR

THE NEW YORK TIMES’ PORTRAYAL OF CELEBRITIES’

CONSEQUENCES FROM SUBSTANCE ABUSE

As addressed in Chapter 3 The New York Times presents celebrity

substance abuse as an individual rather than social issue. Furthermore, the prior

chapter established that celebrity substance abuse in The New York Times

demonstrates that while some celebrities get sober instantaneously, others

struggle with sobriety and relapse. Also, the previous chapter exhibited that

despite struggling with substance abuse, drugs and alcohol have no bearing on

celebrities physically, as revealed in the images accompanying the news stories.

While no celebrities appeared that they suffered any harmful or negative

repercussions, in this chapter I address research question 2 examining what

consequences of celebrity substance abuse are portrayed in the articles,

headlines and photos.

Arrests from drinking and driving, jail time for possession of narcotics, and

going to treatment centers as a result of family interventions are well known and

typical consequences of substance abuse. Specifically, sensationalized tabloid

media, such as Access Hollywood and TMZ, often report on celebrities’ alcohol

and drug-related mishaps, among others. For example, in recent tabloid news,

many stories pertain to Justin Bieber’s spectacle of drag racing while under the

influence of drugs and alcohol. Furthermore, tabloid (and prominent news) media

report that Bieber was arrested for his behavior of driving under the influence.

This is exemplary of the struggles that people, including celebrities, have with

substance abuse and the consequences they may face, such as drinking,

driving, and getting arrested.

However, while NIDA (2008) acknowledges that substance abuse affects

an individual’s ability to make good judgments, allowing them to engage in risky

behaviors (such as drinking and driving), NIDA (2008) primarily indicates that

substance abuse typically leads to other medical problems such as cancer, heart

disease, and mental illness. Although, as evidenced in this analysis, The New

York Times predominantly reported three main consequences of substance

abuse: death, going to jail, and going to a treatment center. However, the

newspaper largely reported that apart from death, substance abuse has no other

consequences on one’s physical health. In essence, while substance abuse does

indeed have health consequences, using drugs and alcohol also has the ability to

create chaos (Mayes & Truman, 2002; Shaffer, 1997). This analysis determined

that The New York Times reported more on the chaos that typically ensues from

substance abuse rather than the effects drugs and alcohol usually have on a

person’s physical health. Therefore, as depicted in The New York Times celebrity

substance abuse has health consequences, criminal penalties and material

costs.

However, despite consequences of substance abuse, of the 31 articles

analyzed, five (16%) of them presented no consequences whatsoever.

Furthermore, of these five news stories, one article about rapper Juicy J

presented substance abuse as something that in fact enhances his life. This is

clearly in direct conflict with what the medical community, substance abusers,

and everyday people know about substance abuse consequences and reality.

Health Consequences

Health consequences of substance abuse typically refer to the effect that

consuming drugs or alcohol has on one’s physical health, such as increased

heart rate, brain seizures and increased risk of cancer (NIDA, 2008). However,

very few articles reported on these forms of consequences. In this analysis

articles that mentioned physical consequences (n = 23, 74%) provided

classifications of substance abuse repercussions. These themes include: death,

entering into a treatment facility, declining physical health, and psychological

consequences.

Death

As expected, many articles (n = 9, 29%) mention a celebrity’s death

because of substance abuse. News stories reported on the topic of death

factually rather than speculating in that they almost always referred to a

toxicology or coroner’s report. This primarily included stories on Cory Monteith

and Amy Winehouse, although other celebrities were included such as Lisa

Robin Kelly and Mindy McCready.

It is important to note that articles which reported on a celebrity’s death

and their substance abuse were not categorized here if the article noted that one

was not a result of the other. So, for instance, one article reported on the death of

professional football player and sports announcer Pat Summerall at the age of

82. While the article detailed Summerall’s death, as well as his substance abuse

problems, the two were not related as Summerall had been sober and healthy

since 1992 (Goldstein, 2013a). Nevertheless, a total of nine articles referred to

the death of a celebrity resulting from substance abuse.

Of these nine articles, four (13%) of them portrayed death as the only

consequence of substance abuse. One of them confirmed that singer Amy

Winehouse died as a result of consuming alcohol after a period of abstinence.

Furthermore, this article reported that Winehouse “voluntarily consumed alcohol”

and that her death was “unexpected” (McKinley Jr., 2013a, para. 3). Noting that

Winehouse’s alcohol consumption was voluntary and deliberate allows readers to

believe that other celebrities or substance abusers may be consuming alcohol

against their will. Potentially, this is to highlight the paradox of substance abuse,

where individuals use substances despite their desire not to partake in them.

Winehouse’s death was not the only one that was “unexpected.” In an

article reporting on actor Cory Monteith’s death, the journalist also quoted that

Monteith had an “unexpected death last month” (Carter, 2013, para. 1). While

Monteith’s death was a result of a “toxic combination of alcohol and heroin,” it

was strange that both of these deaths were “unexpected” given that both

Winehouse and Monteith were known to struggle with substance abuse (Carter,

2013, para. 3). Attributing these deaths as “unexpected” enables readers to

believe that death is not a typical result or consequence of substance abuse, but

rather an unanticipated side effect.

The notion that death from substance abuse is surprising continues as

Kennedy (2013) reported that artist Jason Rhoades died from an “accidental

overdose” (para. 1). In addition, hockey player Derek Boogaard “was found dead

of an accidental overdose of prescription painkillers and alcohol” (Branch, 2013,

para. 2). It is important to note that Branch (2013) referenced that Boogaard had

become addicted to painkillers and was not taking them as prescribed. This

implies that while these overdoses were not planned, there is a safe amount of

substances that an individual can consume without the risk of death, overdose,

or addiction.

The aforementioned examples demonstrate that substance abuse and

death are correlated. However, all the articles exemplified mentioned substance

abuse and death in passing, with no details. For example, while articles disclosed

to readers that celebrities have died, and also mentioned why (such as

overdosing on alcohol and heroin), no details regarding a celebrity’s physical

health before he or she died is provided, such as a struggle with a heart

condition, effects on memory loss and/or reliability, etc. The reader is almost left

to believe that these individuals took substances and then, as a result, died

peacefully, or in their sleep.

Only one article noted the turmoil and depression that substance abuse

may bring by telling the story of country singer Mindy McCready. McCready, who

had suffered from substance abuse most of her life was found dead on her front

porch from what appeared to be “a self-inflicted gunshot wound” (Kleinfield,

2013, para. 4). It was noted that she also shot her boyfriend’s dog before taking

her own life, both as a result of substance abuse, although the article did not

report whether McCready was under the influence of drugs or alcohol at the time.

While the more graphic nature of her death was not the reported norm for

substance abusers, as depicted by The New York Times, it serves as an

example of the chaos that ensues from substance abuse (Shaffer, 1997).

Rehabilitation and Treatment

Substance abuse and addiction has significant impacts on an individual’s

health. As a result, individuals enter into rehabilitation centers and treatment to

get healthy. Treatment is a common option for substance abuse. Many forms of

treatment exist for substance abuse such as self-help groups (Alcoholics

Anonymous and other 12 step programs), outpatient treatment (where individuals

live a normal day to day life at home and attend therapy sessions throughout the

week), or inpatient treatment (where individuals reside at a rehabilitation or

treatment center for a duration of time). NIDA (2011) reported that 2.6 million

people entered into a substance abuse treatment facility in 2009. Furthermore,

NIDA (2011) states that often the financial burden of a treatment facility limits the

number of admissions. However, treatment centers are a common and viable

consequence for many celebrity and non-celebrity substance abusers. Despite

differences in types of treatment, predominantly, The New York Times reported

on inpatient treatment centers.

Many of the celebrities involved in substance abuse, according to The

New York Times, had been to a rehabilitation center or involved in some form of

treatment for their substance abuse. Ten articles (32%) highlighted participation

in treatment for substance abuse. While entering into a rehabilitation center or

partaking in treatment has both physical and emotional health costs, the articles

demonstrated that “checking into” or “going to” a treatment center was

emphasized, rather than the emotional or psychological work that often takes

place during treatment.

Of the ten articles depicting celebrities participating in treatment, nine of

them included inpatient rehabilitation centers where the substance abuser stayed

at a residential treatment center for a duration of time. Of these rehabilitation

centers, only one article specified which treatment center a celebrity went to --

the Betty Ford Center. Furthermore, a depiction of other forms of treatment

existed in only one article, where Chiara de Blasio (a politician’s daughter) was

involved in “group therapy at an outpatient treatment center” (Hernandez &

Grynbaum, 2013, para. 6). While celebrities may want to maintain their privacy,

mentioning specific treatment centers may help readers to understand where

help is available, and make going to treatment less elusive.

The article about de Blasio and two articles about Monteith acknowledged

that they were involved in treatment. These were the only three articles (10%)

which noted that the celebrities went to treatment willingly. The idea that

celebrities go to treatment on their own accord seemed to be important as The

New York Times reported that Monteith “voluntarily checked himself into a

rehabilitation facility” (Itzkoff, 2013b, para. 2), and that Monteith “sought

rehabilitation” (Itzkoff, 2013a, para. 9). One article noted that actress Lisa Robin

Kelly died in a treatment center, but whether she went to treatment willingly or

not was not reported.

Surprisingly, the remaining articles (n = 7, 22%) noted that while

celebrities entered into treatment, it was not necessarily voluntarily. For example,

Pat Summerall (a professional football player and sports announcer) entered

treatment at his family’s request. Goldstein (2103a) claimed that after Summerall

“was confronted by family members, friends and associates during an

intervention, he was persuaded to enter a substance-abuse clinic” (para. 8). The

article also noted that Summerall “emerged” from treatment a sober man, and

maintained that sobriety for 21 years until his passing.

As depicted in the news stories under investigation, treatment seemed to

be the practical option when a celebrity was caught abusing substances or

causing a spectacle as a result of substance abuse. For example, Green Day

musician Billy Joe Armstrong entered treatment, but not until he “delivered a

tirade at a music festival” (Chinen, 2013, para. 4). Furthermore, major league

baseball player Dwight Gooden was quoted as saying “I tested positive for

cocaine, I gotta go to rehab” (Goldman, 2013, para. 4). This quote is especially

intriguing, as it seems that if a celebrity athlete tests positive for drugs, then they

automatically go to rehabilitation. Furthermore, it situated Gooden’s decision to

go to rehab not as a result of using cocaine itself, but due to the fact that he got

caught, thereby framing treatment as a penalty. The framing of entering

treatment centers willingly or not portrays the assistance negatively as a

punishment or positively as a step in the right direction,

In contrast, while Branch (2013) noted that hockey player Boogaard was

“sent to drug rehabilitation a second time” (para. 13), Boogaard previously

violated National Hockey League rules many times, “including failed drug tests,”

yet he was “never disciplined or suspended” (para. 19). However, as noted, the

National Hockey League eventually sent Boogaard to rehabilitation two times.

In summary, participating in rehabilitation and treatment centers is a viable

option for substance abusers. Furthermore, while entering into treatment

programs for substance abuse is a consequence that may have positive effects,

only half of the individuals portrayed as doing so remained sober after treatment

as reported in The New York Times; thereby emphasizing the difficulty of sobriety

and the prevalence of relapse. This number is congruent with the number of

individuals who are not celebrities that relapse after treatment, as 40 – 60% of

people relapse after substance abuse treatment (NIDA, 2008). Additionally, while

some individuals enter treatment willingly, it seems that a large portion of

celebrities depicted participated in treatment to satisfy other individuals (e.g.

family and fans) or organizations (e.g. professional sports leagues).

Physical Health

As mentioned, death from substance abuse and the inability to be an

athlete at the professional level have to do with physical health. Although the way

in which these themes were presented did not address the direct correlation that

substance abuse has on the physical body. Instead, it seems that substance

abuse has no physical consequences apart from death in this analysis. In

contrast, most research depicts declining physical health (such as heart

problems, liver cancer, and seizures) and deteriorating mental health (such as

depression, suicides, and anxiety) as the primary consequence of substance

abuse (NIDA, 2008; NSDUH, 2012).

However, only one article (3%) depicted some physical consequences that

substance abuse had on a celebrity’s health outside of death. Although, much

like other consequences in The New York Times, it was mentioned in passing.

Specifically, one line was devoted to explaining a book that actress Kristen

Johnston wrote titled Guts, which is “mostly about the time my guts blew up in

response to my lengthy love affair with booze and pills” (Johnston, 2013, para.

2). While this quote depicted the effect substance abuse may have on one’s

physical health, it appears that articles were much more focused on the link

between substance abuse and death. For example, Johnston (2013) continued

“this is an epidemic that now claims more lives per year than car accidents. It kills

more people per year than guns. Drugs are the No. 1 cause of deaths in

emergency rooms” (para. 16). While death was continually underscored as a

health consequence of substance abuse, any other physical health implications

that arise from substance abuse were seemingly nonexistent; although a few

articles highlighted the emotional toll substance abuse can have.

Psychological Consequences

Unquestionably substance abuse has emotional and psychological

consequences. Many of the physical consequences of substance abuse

previously depicted also have emotional consequences. For instance, spending

time in a rehabilitation center or jail contains psychological consequences of not

having an individual’s typical freedoms, such as being deprived of family and

friends. Furthermore, Kassel (2010) depicted that substance abuse can create

devastating psychological damage. Psychological effects from substance abuse,

for example, may include violent and paranoid behavior, loss of interest in friends

and family, confusion, and loss of control. Yet, very few articles in the sample

acknowledged the costs that substance abuse has psychologically. Of the 31

articles under investigation, only five (16%) presented any reference or examples

of such emotional strain.

Alienating Friends and Family

. Many of the articles which depicted

emotional consequences of substance abuse did so in relation to celebrities’

families and friends. For example, Dwight Gooden (Goldman, 2013) described

the effect his substance abuse had on his father. In an interview with Goldman

(2013), Goodman recalled his father’s response after he told his father of his

testing positive for cocaine. Gooden’s father “never said a word. He just dropped

his head. I’d never seen that look on my dad’s face. I knew that I had just broken

his heart” (Goldman, 2013, para. 4). In this example, Gooden demonstrated the

emotional pain that he and his father experienced as a result of substance

abuse.

As previously mentioned, Holson (2013) also noted that Madden

estranged his family while in prison, although no emotional words or connections

were used to explain or define this “loss.” Another article demonstrated the loss

of family as Goldstein (2013a) quoted professional football player Pat Summerall.

Summerall said, “I was spending more and more time on the road just to be

around the party scene, always to the detriment of my family. I had walked away

from my marriage and alienated my three kids. They didn’t deserve that

treatment” (Goldstein, 2013a, para. 11). While the article did not mention the

emotional pain the loss of the relationships had, it was put in the context of

regret. However, the article did not mention how Summerall navigated through

the emotional turmoil, regret, or reconciliation with his family despite him being

sober from 1992 until his death in 2013.

Emotional and Mental Costs

. Some articles provided more detail about of

the wreckage that substance abuse may have on an individual’s mental and

emotional state. Madden recalled his past as being a “blur” as a result of the

mind-altering substances, demonstrating that substance abuse has a negative

effect with memory (Holson, 2013, para. 18). Furthermore, Brett Butler

acknowledged that a Vicodin addiction “made her unreliable, irrational and, at the

end, unable to function” (Rhodes, 2013, para. 6). While previous articles

emphasized Butler’s conclusion with examples of death, arrests, and loss of

careers and homes, this was the first article to attach specific emotional words

and ownership to these consequences of substance abuse.

One of the more explicit examples of substance abuse consequences on

a user’s mental state was given by the now deceased football player Walt

Sweeney (Slotnik, 2013a). Sweeney blamed the N.F.L. for his addiction and

while he was able to have a long career as a professional athlete, it came with an

expense. Sweeney quoted, “if a guy breaks his back in the N.F.L., they’ll pay

him. That didn’t happen to me. Instead, these guys broke my mind” (Slotnik,

2013a, para. 18). While this example did not demonstrate Sweeney taking

ownership for his substance abuse, it portrayed the psychological consequences

that substance abuse had on him; although personal examples of how

Sweeney’s mind was “broken” were nonexistent.

Criminal Consequences

After health-related consequences, the second most prevalent theme

found in this examination of The New York Times was legal consequences.

Specifically, getting arrested is a common cost of substance abuse. Much like

treatment centers, getting arrested and serving jail or prison time has physical as

well as emotional consequences. Many articles reported on the arrests and

incarceration of celebrities who abused substances (n = 7, 23%). Emphasis

within these articles was put on being physically away from family and other

things, such as restaurants and privacy that individuals with freedom can access.

Furthermore, many of the articles detailed the duration of time spent in jail or

prison, unlike treatment centers where the length of time in treatment seemed

irrelevant.

Seven articles depicted arrests, jail, or prison time as consequences of

substance abuse. However, many of these articles did not go into detail

regarding these arrests, and the actual legal consequences were only mentioned

in passing. For example, Belson (2013) noted that professional football player

Justin Blackmon “was arrested during a traffic stop...after the police said a breath

test showed his blood-alcohol content to be three time the legal limit” (para. 4).

Despite this arrest happening months prior to the publication of the article,

nothing else regarding legal sentencing or legal consequences was mentioned.

Blackmon was not the only celebrity mentioned getting arrested for drunk

driving, as Slotnik (2013b) reported that actress Lisa Robin Kelly was arrested

“once for driving while intoxicated” (para. 6). Although, no details were provided

such as expanding on length of arrests, financial costs, loss of a driver’s license

or other typical consequences of driving intoxicated. The lack of details or

expansion of legal consequences for celebrity substance abusers continued in an

interview with professional baseball player Gooden. Instead, Goldman (2013)

only claimed that Gooden “wound up in jail after testing positive for cocaine use,”

(para. 1) not saying anything else about Gooden’s jail sentence.

Another article discussing Scott Thorson’s long time struggle with

substance abuse acknowledged that he had many encounters with the law.

Segal (2013) reported that Thorson has faced “several stints in prison” (para. 11),

and that he conducted the interview for the article with Thorson at the Washoe

County Jail. While his current jail time was from a burglary, the article clearly put

this crime in relation to Thorson’s substance abuse by continually demonstrating

that Thorson squandered money to buy drugs, has numerous arrests for

substance abuse, and struggled most of his life to get sober (Segal, 2013).

Furthermore, the article detailed that Thorson plead guilty, asked to be placed in

a treatment center and faced probation “with a suspended prison sentence of 2

to 30 years and combined fines of up to $110,000” (para. 13). This was the only

article referencing legal financial consequences. Surprisingly, none of the articles

described any form of substance abuse treatment available in jail or prison. Not

one celebrity who had been to prison or jail demonstrated that substance abuse

treatment was available to them, leaving the reader to believe that it was not, or

that incarceration was treatment itself. Furthermore, Thorson’s request to go to a

treatment center solidified the absence of substance abuse treatment availability

during incarceration.

While no articles depicted celebrities taking advantage of treatment

programs while in jail or prison, two articles (6%) exemplified celebrities who

were sentenced to prison terms and emerged from that experience “reformed.”

Thus, meaning they did not to go back to a life of substance abuse. One focused

on a professional football player, Chuck Muncie, who “was sentenced to 18

months in federal prison in 1989 after pleading guilty to intending to sell two

ounces of cocaine to a friend” (Goldstein, 2013b, para. 12). Muncie was quoted

as realizing that “he was the one with the problem” when he was “behind bars,”

and that his time in prison served as a “turning point” (Goldstein, 2013b, para.

14).

Another individual, designer Steve Madden, served “two and a half years”

in prison for stock fraud, which was “fueled by drugs, alcohol, and his love of

money” (Holson, 2013, para. 5). However, it had been a decade since Madden’s

prison sentence and he was now sober, married, and back to work in the fashion

business. Additionally, as a result of his substance abuse, imprisonment, and a

court-ordered alcohol rehabilitation program, Madden said that “money is no

longer the important thing in his life” and he defined success as “having a nice

family” (Holson, 2013, para. 48).

While all the articles listed above demonstrated consequences of

substance abuse, Holson’s (2013) article about Madden was the only news story

with detail about these consequences. For example, Madden stated that in prison

“you have a different life. A spartan life” (Holson, 2013, para. 28). Madden

depicted his time in prison as an experience that “gives you perspective” where

all he thought about was “surviving” (Holson, 2013, para. 32). However, despite

his prison time being described as a hardened “spartan” life, where “surviving”

consumed his thoughts, Holson (2013) claimed that “in prison, Mr. Madden

softened” (para. 31). It was this “softening” that enabled Madden to change; from

his prison time “Mr. Madden saw a longing for stability” (Holson, 2013, para. 32).

While Madden’s time in prison demonstrated some of the emotional strains as a

consequence of substance abuse, he primarily emphasized (as did other articles)

the loss of his material possessions. While criminal consequences are imminent

with substance abuse, news outlets are likely to exemplify and report on them

since criminality has news value.

Financial Consequences

Undoubtedly, substance abuse can often lead to the loss of material

possessions; as such, it was the third most common theme found in this

investigation. Seven articles (23%) in The New York Times reported on the

financial costs of substance abuse. In this analysis, themes regarding loss of

material possessions were represented. Articles either demonstrated a loss of

material goods, or loss of career.

Material Consequences

Only six articles (19%) reported directly on the loss of material

possessions as a result of financial consequences. For example, Thorson

continually stressed the accumulation of material possessions as a result of

stardom. He said that he was “showered with gifts including mink coats and cars”

as well as “spending $100,000 in about two months on cars and jewelry” (Segal,

2013, para. 15). However, the article repeatedly claimed that Thorson had lost

those things long ago as a result of substance abuse. Furthermore, he was in jail

when the article was written as he was arrested for burglary and using a stolen

credit card (Segal, 2013, para. 7).

Further noting the loss of material possessions as a result of incarceration

was Madden, who reported that in prison there were “no more restaurants or sex,

good food or family” (Holson, 2013, para. 28). Assuming celebrities are

accustomed to a high standard of living, articles depicted the loss of access to

the luxuries of stardom and fame. While Madden quoted that he also alienated

his family as a result of substance abuse, it seemed that the lack of “restaurants,

sex, or good food” were just as much of a consequence (and equally important).

Losing a Home

. Most of the articles that discussed the material losses

from substance abuse did so in the context of losing a home. For example, Segal

(2013) demonstrated that Thorson eventually “landed at a Christian-based

homeless shelter” (para. 36) for a period of time. In addition, Goldstein (2013b)

reported that athlete Chuck Muncie was “found unwashed and homeless outside

Cal’s Memorial Stadium” (para. 12). The connection between homelessness and

financial loss was best signified by Rhodes (2013) in an article about Brett Butler.

Acknowledging that she could not “survive success” and was a substance

abuser, Rhodes (2013) reported that “Ms. Butler lost what was left of her once-

substantial resources last year. The farm went into foreclosure, and she was, for

a time, homeless. She was broke” (para. 17). From these examples, The New

York Times understandably demonstrated that the ultimate financial

consequence of substance abuse is the loss of a home.

Career Consequences

Four articles (13%) depicted the loss of a job or career as a result of

substance abuse. Surprisingly, all four articles were about professional athletes.

This appears to demonstrate that professional sporting organizations may have

stricter rules than careers in entertainment regarding substance abuse. That is, it

is more difficult to maintain a physically demanding career than other celebrities

whose careers are less physical. Furthermore, it is easier to make a comeback

for other celebrities such as actors and actresses who are substance abusers as

opposed to athletes who must condition their bodies to prepare for their work.

However, one article demonstrated a comeback by baseball player Josh

Hamilton who is sober and playing professional baseball after “drug addiction

cost him three seasons in the minor leagues” (Kepner, 2013, para. 8).

Not all celebrities were so lucky. For example, one news story was

published only to inform readers of an individual’s career loss. Belson (2013)

reported that “Jacksonville Jaguars receiver Justin Blackmon was suspended

indefinitely without pay on Friday for violating the N.F.L’s substance-abuse

policy” (para. 1). Blackmon was not the only professional athlete whose

substance abuse cost him his career. Another professional football player, Chuck

Muncie, also had a career that “was cut short by drug abuse” (Goldstein, 2013b,

para. 1). Undoubtedly, these examples show that substance abuse is an obstacle

to maintaining a professional career. This is an idea that is solidified by the texts

of the articles under analysis, but not by the images presented.

Lastly, professional football player Walt Sweeney was faced with an

obstacle early in his career while playing college football. Slotnik (2013a) wrote

that as result of a “drunken brawl, Sweeney said that he lost his scholarship”

(para. 13). However, Sweeney’s talent superseded his consequences of

substance abuse as a “wealthy alumnus paid the rest of his tuition” (Slotnik,

2013a, para. 13). While this enabled Sweeney to have a full football career, he

continued to struggle with substance abuse his entire life. Furthermore, Sweeney

blamed the N.F.L. for his drug addiction. This may make readers wonder that if

an alumnus did not rescue him from the consequence of a lost scholarship and

enable him to have a football career, then Sweeney may not have suffered a

lifetime of substance abuse.

Conclusion: Substance Abuse has Physical,

but not Emotional, Consequences

In summary, most of the articles (n = 26, 84%) demonstrated

consequences of substance abuse. The New York Times predominantly reported

on substance abuse consequences relating to health; specifically, death,

sociological consequences such as going to treatment facilities, and

psychological issues including alienating friends and family, emotional, and

mental costs. Since the articles did not exhibit a relationship between substance

abuse and physical health (outside of death), they negated the impact that

substance abuse has on the physical body. Consequences of substance abuse

also included criminal activity, where celebrities were portrayed as criminals by

either being arrested or going to jail for substance abuse. Lastly, The New York

Times demonstrates that substance abuse has financial consequences, primarily

losing a home or a career.

In conclusion, most articles (n = 25, 81%) presented consequences of

substance abuse, but many of them did so in passing, without establishing the

role or relationship that consequences had with substance abuse. Furthermore,

of the 25 articles presented, despite varied consequences arising from substance

abuse, less than half (n = 9, 29%) demonstrated celebrities as sober after they

faced consequences. Ideally these consequences should inform readers that

substance abuse is beyond one’s choice or moral failure but rather an illness in

which people need help in managing. However, ideologically, these portrayals

inform readers that regardless of potential death, imprisonment or loss of

material possessions or career, the majority of celebrities continue their

substance abuse as if they are impenetrable of such consequences.

CHAPTER FIVE

MARGINALIZING THE DISCOURSE OF SUBSTANCE ABUSE

AND MAGNIFYING THE ROLE OF CELEBRITY

THROUGH INFOTAINMENT

Overall, this analysis reveals important ideological implications within the

31 texts under examination. This research is based on the fact that addiction is a

problem which affects millions of individuals (NIDA, 2008; NSDUH, 2010).

Furthermore, media play an integral role in shaping public concern about social

issues, such as substance abuse (Hughes, Lancaster, & Spicer, 2011). Also,

celebrities are a large part of the popular media landscape (Rojek, 2001; Turner,

2004) and celebrity stories and images are part of our everyday fabric (Fowler,

2006). As a result, while celebrities are portrayed as elite individuals in media,

they are also ordinary people and susceptible to addiction, therefore their

addictions are newsworthy. Since substance abuse is a major issue in society

and celebrities are cultural markers, this analysis discovered how media frames

celebrity substance abuse and what consequences of celebrity substance abuse

are portrayed in media.

In Chapter 3, I employed a critical discourse analysis to discover how The

New York Times portrays celebrity substance abuse. While some articles did

report on the discourse of sobriety, it was presented in a limited way. News

stories report on celebrity substance abuse in an episodic rather than thematic

frame, thereby emphasizing substance abuse as an individual issue rather than a

social one. More often than not, The New York Times glossed over the recovery

aspect of addiction and simply reported that celebrities just became sober and

their struggle with substance abuse merely ends. This presents a dichotomy

between reality and news reporting. That is, in reality sobriety is hard to achieve

and maintain. However, news reports suggest that sobriety is relatively easy to

obtain, despite many New York Times articles acknowledging the magnitude of

relapse among celebrity substance abusers. Lastly, when examining how

celebrity substance abuse is portrayed in The New York Times, it is apparent that

the role of being a celebrity is at the heart of the news stories by focusing more

on celebrities’ careers, achievements, and other positive topics rather than on

their substance abuse. Furthermore, headlines focus on celebrities rather than

substance abuse by naming celebrities and their careers rather than using

substance abuse or related words, and images. By doing so, they reflect that

celebrities are able to maintain their careers and happiness despite being

substance abusers.

In Chapter 4, I employed a critical discourse analysis to discover how The

New York Times portrays celebrity substance abuse consequences. In doing so,

I discovered three overarching themes: health, criminal penalties, and material

costs. However, when analyzing the news stories there were a limited range of

topics presented within these themes. For example, despite health-related

consequences being present, the focus of news stories was on death or entering

treatment or rehabilitation centers to become healthy. Surprisingly, the

relationship between substance abuse and physical health issues (outside of

death) and psychological health is almost completely neglected. Secondly,

substance abuse was criminalized as many articles depicted the consequences

of substance abuse as getting arrested or going to jail. Lastly, articles

demonstrated financial consequences of substance abuse but did so by focusing

on loss of material items, the loss of a home, and loss of a career. Furthermore,

minimal headlines linked celebrity consequences to substance abuse, and the

few that did, reported only on celebrities’ deaths. In addition, none of the articles’

images depicted consequences of celebrity substance abuse, but instead

overarchingly demonstrated celebrities actively participating in their careers.

Ideological Implications

From these findings, the way The New York Times reports on celebrity

substance abuse has a myriad of implications pertaining to substance abuse,

celebrities, and news worthiness. First, news stories limit the way in which

substance abuse may be interpreted by readers due to the lack of information.

Second, news stories emphasize that celebrity status supersedes substance

abuse and exhibits an unrealistic portrayal of substance abuse as a result of

celebrity status. Lastly, the portrayal of celebrity substance abuse in news stories

exemplifies that celebrity status is more newsworthy than substance abuse,

demonstrating a trend in news towards infotainment.

Substance Abuse

Research demonstrates that media images construct meaning regarding

social issues (Gamson et al., 1992), such as substance abuse, and suggest new

meanings outside of the written text (Abraham & Appiah, 2006). This may lead to

readers altering or reinforcing personal frames regarding substance abuse, such

as believing substance abuse is a moral failing rather than a disease. Often, the

media (particularly press) frame substance abuse issues as an “epidemic” or

“crises” which contributes towards moral panics (Beckett, 1994; Denham, 2008;

Homan, 2003; Taylor, 2008). However, the news reports under analysis do not

exemplify this view. Hughes, Lancaster, and Spicer (2011) note that an absence

of framing drugs as a crisis issue may lead to reporting on a less sensationalized

view of illicit drug issues. While this analysis demonstrates a less sensationalized

view of substance abuse, the way that substance abuse is portrayed is narrowly

framed.

Substance Abusers as Criminals

. While many news stories naturalize the

consumption of alcohol, thereby underplaying negative outcomes (Hansen, 2003;

Hundley, 1995; Strate, 1992), this analysis reveals that celebrity substance

abuse is not naturalized because it is not exempt from negative consequences.

However, apart from death, consequences exemplify the ideological notion that

substance abuse is framed in relation to crime, deviance, and retribution (Blood,

Williams, & McCallum, 2003; Watts, 2003). While framing substance abuse

around crime, deviation, and retribution provides a depiction of a moral panic,

news stories contextualize substance abuse episodically, thereby demonstrating

substance abuse as an issue isolated to a few individuals. This ideology is reified

as consequences of substance abuse are twofold: (1) celebrities go to treatment

as retribution; and (2) celebrities are portrayed as deviant because they are

arrested and serve jail time. Specifically, many articles emphasize celebrities

being punished for their indiscretions such as going to treatment against their will

or being arrested and serving jail sentences. Thus, substance abusers are

framed as individuals who deserve punishment, rather than help (Hughes,

Lancaster, & Spicer, 2011; Teece & Makkai, 2000). This concept is further

embodied in the articles where no mention of substance abuse treatment in jail or

prison is presented. Framing substance abusers as transgressive individuals

instead of people who need help has implications for the disease concept of

substance abuse.

Instead of The New York Times depicting substance abusers as sick

individuals, they are presented as individuals, who, while experiencing

consequences, ultimately have “control” over their lives. Narrowing the discourse

of substance abuse to an individual level provides a frame of reference for

readers that substance abuse is not a disease; instead, it is something limited to

certain persons who make bad choices. In essence, the newspaper implies that

substance abusers need to stop using drugs and alcohol, but no treatment or

method of doing so is presented. As a result, it is up to the individual to figure it

out or just simply stop abusing substances.

Substance Abuse as a Disease

. Heim et al. (2001) note that substance

abuse is approached in terms of a disease, a response to psycho-social factors,

or determined by pharmacology of substances. In addition, there are copious

amounts of research supporting the concept of addiction as a disease (Hyman,

2005; Leshner, 1997; Volkow & Fowler, 2000). However, in this analysis

substance abuse is not portrayed in this frame.

Instead of being identified as a disease, substance abuse is portrayed

under the ideological assumption that it is an individual problem. This may

contribute to news reports’ lack of providing information on how to help people

overcome substance abuse. While some stories did provide minimal details

depicting how celebrities overcame substance abuse, many stories

demonstrated that individuals were “struck sober.” Substance abuse is a life-

threatening disease, yet no article depicted celebrities “fighting for their lives.” In

this analysis, it is evident that news reports take the “disease model” of addiction

for granted where no medical discourse is present.

The absence of medical discourse in terms of substance abuse has major

implications on how substance abuse is viewed culturally. Hansen and Gunter

(2007) aver that news stories play a vital role in building “public and political

agendas” as well as framing “the terms of discussion around alcohol” and drugs

(p. 153). Furthermore, the climate of opinion regarding alcohol and drugs is

affected by how substance abuse is portrayed in news stories (Nicholls, 2011).

However, “successful media advocacy depends on health advocates establishing

themselves as key sources for information on alcohol and drugs in the news”

(Nicholls, 2011, p. 201). Nevertheless, in this analysis, no articles contained any

reference to substance abuse in medical terms or as a disease. Furthermore, no

health advocates, health experts, or addiction professionals were featured in

news stories. Instead, the celebrities were portrayed as addiction professionals

and served as key sources for information on alcohol and drugs; thus narrowing

the way that substance abuse is portrayed in the news, diminishing the health

aspects of substance abuse, and potentially upholding stigmas regarding

substance abuse as a moral, individual failing rather than a disease (Palamar,

Halkitis, & Kiang, 2013).

In fact, most articles under investigation emphasized and focused on the

act of substance abuse over the act of attempting to overcome substance abuse.

These findings concur with Nicholls’ (2011) idea that simply being a celebrity

substance abuser is often sufficient enough to merit media coverage. However,

Oksanen (2012) claims that being merely drunk is no longer authentic for stars,

and instead, surviving addiction after a hitting rock bottom is. Despite Oksanen’s

(2012) findings, stories of celebrities overcoming substance abuse are minimal.

Furthermore, since substance abuse is not depicted as a disease in these news

reports, the magnitude that substance abuse has in society is missing. Instead of

focusing on the social and cultural issue of substance abuse, news reports focus

on narrow, individual accounts and experiences and in doing so depict substance

abuse in an episodic frame.

Smith et al. (2009) argue that representing the episodic nature of events

over social causes and preventative action in regards to celebrity news stories is

concerning. Representations of substance abuse in an episodic frame narrow the

disease concept of addiction. Instead, the focal point is on the individual,

consequently enabling readers to feel that substance abuse may be an individual

or moral failing, particularly when stories demonstrate that some celebrities

“decided” to be sober, and it was so. This supports Hersey’s (2005) findings

where he concluded that the broad range in understanding the nature of

addiction is ignored in film; thereby demonstrating a narrow understanding of

addiction. A view that establishes individuals struggling with addiction only to be

followed by a prompt recovery to continue a healthy life (Hersey, 2005).

Hellman (2010) states that trends of individualization in substance abuse

stories allow readers to easily relate; however, by doing so it symbolically

annihilates the social implications. Hence, the financial and psychological tolls on

the culture are omitted. This analysis confirms that substance abuse is presented

as an isolated and individual issue in regards to celebrities. However, substance

abuse is not an individual and isolated unit, but a societal issue with large cultural

implications. Focusing substance abuse stories in this fashion negates the

impacts that substance abuse and consequences of substance abuse have on

society.

Substance Abuse and Health

. Indisputably, substance abuse has severe

consequences to an individual’s physical health. While some articles

acknowledge this, it is done so primarily through portraying celebrity deaths.

Oksanen (2012) claims that psychological and social conflicts are the

distinguishing factors between individuals who are troublesome substance

abusers from those can take drugs and alcohol without causing trouble. While

The New York Times articles demonstrate some social conflicts such as arrests

and losing a home or career, the impact that substance abuse has with

psychological conflicts is substantially minimized.

This is problematic since research demonstrates a relationship between

substance abuse and psychological health effects which typically include

depression, paranoia, and anxiety (Drake, Mercer-McFadden, Mueser, McHugo,

& Bond, 1998; NIDA, 2008, NSDUH, 2010; Link, Struening, Rahav, Phelan, &

Nuttbrock, 1997). Furthermore, mental health and substance abuse do not

operate independently of each other, but instead are interdependent. Since The

New York Times reporting on celebrity substance abuse does not establish a

connection between substance abuse and mental health, they are providing an

inaccurate representation that can misinform readers. By doing so they are

omitting a vital piece of knowledge regarding substance abuse.

Even further diminished is the impact that substance abuse has on one’s

physical health. While Nicholls (2011) found that health impacts are a significant

frame in news reports for substance abuse, this analysis contradicts his

research. Furthermore, Nicholls (2011) notes that long-term liver damage from

alcohol was the dominant health-related frame; however, my research found only

one mention of physical health related problems, outside of death, in The New

York Times. The differences between Nicholls (2011) research and this analysis

may be in part that Nicholls (2011) examined UK news reports. However, since

both analyses examined credible hard news sources, some congruency should

be expected. In addition, the images presented show no impact of substance

abuse on the celebrities’ physical health. Instead, they are portrayed as happy

and healthy people.

While some physical health consequences were present, they were limited

to the narrow framing of death. Certainly, this is a vital aspect of substance

abuse, although the ideology that no health implications arise from substance

abuse before death as presented in this analysis undermines the relationship

between substance abuse and the physical body. According to these news

stories, it seems that death, having to go to treatment, and criminal penalties are

the only consequences present, with no explanation of how substance abuse

affects the mind and body. This is akin to showing someone who was diagnosed

with cancer, for instance, and then showing them dead; these representations cut

out the process of the disease. For example, focusing on the process of the

disease would include examples, statistics, and stories on treatment and

recovery from cancer. A process that is dynamic and daily, similar to the process

of substance abuse recovery.

By limiting the view of substance abuse consequences on physical health

to death and narrowing the relationship between substance abuse and mental

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health, readers are not exposed to the reality of substance abuse. The reality is

that substance abuse impacts every aspect of physical health including

cardiovascular effects, respiratory effects, and gastrointestinal effects, among

others. For example, alcohol abuse often leads to cirrhosis of the liver where an

individual becomes weak and jaundiced due to the liver shutting down; cocaine

abusers are often emaciated due to a diminished appetite and the reduction of

the body’s ability to store fat; or the notable tooth decay and loss of a

methamphetamine abuser. Furthermore, consequences of mental health are

diminished and stories do not expose readers to the realities of paranoia,

depression, aggression, and possible hallucinations that can be caused by

substance abuse (NIDA, 2008). As a result of this analysis, consequences of

substance abuse on physical health, mental health, and career abilities may aid

in constructing a belief that celebrities are above substance abuse consequences

on their health and career.

Celebrities

This analysis solidifies the fact that the practice of reporting on celebrities

has pervaded even the most highly acclaimed news media (Gorin & Dubied,

2011; Turner, 2010). Furthermore, this examination of articles from The New

York Times about celebrity substance abuse reveals other ideological

assumptions and further highlights the power of celebrity status. Specifically, the

duality of celebrities, distinctions between the types of celebrities, and the

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importance of celebrities staying current and in the spotlight in order to maintain

stardom are discerned in this study.

The Duality of Celebrities

. Previous research demonstrates that there is a

duality of stardom (Dyer, 1979; Furedi, 2010; Maltby et al., 2002). At the heart of

this duality is how celebrities are viewed by audiences and portrayed in media.

Mediated portrayals of stars demonstrate that celebrities are special and unique

individuals while simultaneously being ordinary. Furedi (2010) notes that

celebrities have “unique personalities and attractiveness” combined with an

element of normalcy, as “normal” people doing “normal” things and experiencing

problems and disappointments of day-to-day life (pp. 493–494). This has the

ability to make powerful and elite celebrities into intimate and well-known figures

for the audience (Furedi, 2010).

This research further reifies the notion that celebrities are ordinary and

normal individuals, as news stories depict celebrities having substance abuse

issues, financial problems, relationship difficulties and career problems.

However, within the news stories present, it is near impossible to forget that the

stories are about special and unique individuals. Essentially, if these articles

were not about celebrities, they would be exempt from news selection.

Specifically, while the articles mention substance abuse issues, readers

are never allowed to forget that the stories are about celebrities. In fact, with the

application and references to celebrities’ names, careers, and successes

consistently referenced in headlines, news stories, and images, readers are

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constantly reminded that these are indeed “special” people. Furthermore, the

images presented are ever reminding of the fact that the celebrities reported on

live special and different lives apart from ordinary citizens.

While the news stories under analysis demonstrate that celebrities suffer

from substance abuse and substance abuse consequences, much like everyday

people, the images uphold the concept of celebrity duality. Images consistently

portrayed celebrities as healthy and happy, often participating in career-related

activities, giving the impression that substance abuse does not conflict with their

ability to work. This contradiction does not seem out of place, thereby making the

social construction of a special, yet normal, celebrity seem customary and

natural.

Furthermore, Maltby et al. (2002) state that due to celebrity status, deviant

behavior of some stars may be “forgiven or explained away when similar“ (p.

1158). While this is not exemplified by a majority of the articles, it is still apparent

in some of the news stories under investigation. For example, while

consequences of substance abuse were presented in the news stories, such as

loss of a home or being sent to jail, in many articles, consequences were not

present. Some articles depicted individuals who had no consequences for testing

positive for illicit drugs by athletic organizations, despite substance abuse being a

violation of the organization’s policy. Other examples are present, such as a

celebrity who lost a scholarship, only to be funded by individuals on account of

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their athletic talent, and a celebrity using cocaine and marijuana, but the news

story quotes individuals saying it is a normal behavior for celebrities.

This version of substance abuse is different than one that takes place in

reality where individuals who test positive for workplace drug tests are subject to

consequences such as being sent to treatment, being suspended or even

terminated from the workplace (Carpenter, 2007). Moreover, when a non-

celebrity is abusing substances, the likelihood of substance abuse being

considered “normal,” “expected,” or “not a big deal” is significantly minimized.

Instead, The New York Times presented some celebrities’ behavior and

substance abuse as expected, thereby depicting them as special entities immune

to the consequences of substance abuse as a result of status. Framing

substance abuse in relation to celebrity and demonstrating unrealistic scenarios,

where celebrity behavior is forgiven and explained away may alter the perception

that audiences have on substance abuse.

Demonstrating substance abuse in this way allows audiences to use these

mediated frames as references when trying to understand and converse about

substance abuse in reality, where they are likely to discover that substance

abuse behavior is not easily forgiven, understood, or explained. Framing celebrity

substance abuse in an individual fashion, where celebrities may not suffer severe

consequences and deviant behavior is expected or explained away may lead to a

double standard, where we forgive celebrities or expect substance abuse from

stars but not ordinary people.

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Differences between Celebrities

. While all celebrities were framed

simultaneously as special and ordinary, some distinction between the types of

celebrities is also evident. This analysis reveals that consequences of substance

abuse differed for celebrities depending on their careers. Specifically, the

newspaper reported that the impact of substance abuse differed between

athletes and other celebrities such as actors/actresses, fashion designers,

celebrity chefs. For example, substance abuse seemed to have the most effect

on athletes’ careers. While some actors/actresses suffered career loss, the

majority of them were able to regain standing in their profession. However, news

stories regarding celebrity athletes repeatedly had consequences affecting the

length of an athletic career.

The New York Times reported that professional athletes’ careers were

shortened or suspended as a result of substance abuse. In essence, if a

celebrity, such as an athlete, is involved in a highly physical line of work, then it is

harder to be a substance abuser and maintain a career than those celebrities

whose careers are less physical. Implications of these findings suggest that

substance abuse is a larger interference to the life of an individual who has a

physical career while others are essentially exempt from career loss as a result

of substance abuse. This may be in part to sports teams having drug testing

policies whereas other entertainment careers may not.

Portraying celebrity career differences in terms of substance abuse

consequences do not demonstrate the dangers of substance abuse for all

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addicts, but instead demonstrates that substance abuse may be more dangerous

for some and safer for others. Furthermore, by continually highlighting celebrity

careers, the focus and emphasis of substance abuse is shifted. It undermines the

role of substance abuse, magnifies the role of celebrity status, and implies that

substance abuse is portrayed as more acceptable if one is still able to perform

workplace tasks.

Maintaining Celebrity Status

. While implicitly stated, these news stories

aid in maintaining celebrity status. Nunn and Biressi (2010) make reference that

in today’s news and celebrity market, celebrity narratives are not simply about

fame and high achievement, but also about personal flaw, suffering, and

dysfunction. Sharing celebrities’ private lives and personal careers attract greater

public interest than media accounts of their professional lives (Meyers, 2005).

This “authentic” celebrity allows readers to develop intimacy with the individual

behind the public persona, allowing celebrities to be “potent ideological symbols”

(Meyers, 2005, p. 891). Often, these celebrity flaws are concealed, but once

revealed to the public, can act as important markers in maintaining celebrity

status.

Nunn and Biressi (2010) acknowledge that the celebrity flaw is often

complicated by fame and media. Previous research (Cavanaugh & Prasad, 1994)

argue that the pressure of high achievement and success that comes with

stardom almost instigate substance abuse. While only a couple articles

acknowledged that substance abuse was a direct result of celebrity status, the

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fact that the articles were about the famous was emphasized. In this analysis of

The New York Times, almost every article (unless reporting on the death of the

celebrity) included the celebrities’ opinions through interviews and quotes. This

way, the celebrity has the ability to aid in the story, thereby, negotiating the

meaning to the audience which they seem fit. While only one article

acknowledged that revealing a substance abuse story may have been a public

relations stunt (Horyn, 2013) telling the public of a difficult journey or flaw is “a

means of attempted self-validation and often rehabilitation of the damaged

celebrity persona” (Nunn & Biressi, 2010, p. 50). Therefore, even news stories of

a celebrity’s transgression or “bad press” is good, as it keeps them in the

spotlight. The types of stories presented support Acevedo et al. (2009)

acknowledge that deviant celebrity substance abusers are able to maintain the

media spotlight by being ‘knocked down’ from a pedestal so that they may

potentially be resurrected.

Essentially, celebrity confessionals invite readers to identify with the

celebrity and develop empathy as they express their narratives of being a

celebrity with emotions. It is these invitations which allow celebrity deviance and

spectacle as reported in the news to maintain celebrity status. In fact, these

stories of celebrity deviance are potentially stronger in connecting celebrities with

the public, as their narratives and struggles have the ability to humanize the elite

and powerful, allowing for continual consumption of celebrity status.

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News Media

Undoubtedly, this research holds implications regarding news media.

Before discussing the implications celebrity substance abuse stories may have

on news media, it is relevant to establish that news is not neutral (Hall, Critcher,

Jefferson, Clarke & Roberts, 2013; Hodkinson, 2011). While news is based on

real events, it is constructed and manufactured, thereby, never unbiased.

Furthermore, cultivation theory demonstrates that individuals exposed to media

are more likely to adopt a mediated reality as a framework with which to view the

world (Gerbner, 1969, 1977), hence establishing that news media play a critical

role in the formation of public opinion (Hall et al., 2013). In addition, the way that

media frame issues is a reference point that audiences use to interpret and

discuss issues according to framing theory (Tuchman, 1978); therefore,

audiences are likely to understand substance abuse from the frames that are

highlighted within media. From this understanding, reporting on celebrities and

substance abuse has implications regarding what news is. For that reason, it is

important to address the tabloidization of news, where the lines between

information and entertainment are blurred. Also, this research contains

ideological implications regarding news values.

Infotainment of News

. There is an observable transformation in what news

is being reported, and the notion that there is a trend toward the “softening of

news” is a consensus in research (Baum, 2002; Bennett, 2003; Schudson, 2003).

In essence, “soft news refers to programs with low levels of public affairs

108

information and hard news refers to shows with high levels of public affairs

information” (Hamilton, 2004, p. 15). In addition, soft news may not only refer to

subject matter, but also how the news is reported (Baum, 2002). This softening of

news is often considered infotainment; news which is somewhere between the

boundaries of information and entertainment (Deuze, 2005).

Furthermore, the argument of tabloidization within the news media is

evident as well (Connell, 1998). For example, stories on substance abuse would

be public affairs information, while stories on celebrities are more likely to be

human interest stories. This analysis discovers that almost all the headlines

referred to a celebrity or celebrity career but gave no indication of substance

abuse. This implies that these articles are not about substance abuse, but about

celebrities. Dor (2003) establishes that headlines are “relevance optimizers: They

are designed to optimize the relevance of their stories for their readers” (p. 696).

Thus, since the headlines in The New York Times focus on celebrities and not

substance abuse, it establishes that celebrities and celebrity status are more

relevant to its audience than substance abuse and addiction. This solidifies

Sparks and Tulloch’s (2000) notion that media exemplify a trend of tabloidization

when reporting on substance abuse by sensationalizing media content by moving

priorities towards entertainment (celebrities) and away from news and

information.

The New York Times is a dominant news leader with the ability to set the

news agenda for other news media (Denham, 2014; Golan, 2006). Furthermore,

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The New York Times has demonstrated that it is also a major site for political

news (Meraz, 2009); thereby it is viewed as a media outlet which delivers hard

news. However, this analysis finds that The New York Times demonstrates a

softening of news despite its reputation. Temple (2006) also notices a shift to an

infotainment format in The New York Times where stories demonstrated that

readers need to be not only informed about world events, but also they need to

be entertained. In essence, the stories under analysis show that there is indeed a

tabloidization of hard news.

The New York Times’ reporting on soft news (such as individual accounts

of crime, sports, and celebrities) is directly related to the recurrent episodic

frames exhibited in the articles under analysis. For example, hard news stories

regarding substance abuse would potentially focus on current substance abuse

health policies, treatment availability and options, the availability and effect of

treatment during incarcerations, the impact of substance abuse on political and

financial economy, along with information from health professionals

contextualizing the social problems of substance abuse.

Instead, this analysis demonstrates that news stories regarding

substance abuse are presented in episodic frames highlighting individual

experiences, death, going to treatment, getting arrested, and suffering personal

financial and career losses. To further exemplify the softening of the news,

stories under analysis are always reported on in relation to celebrities and

celebrity experiences, never broadening the scope of discussion to current social

110

trends of substance abuse or economic implications. Instead of using celebrities

to initiate a discussion of substance abuse in terms of social implications, the role

of the celebrity is emphasized and used by The New York Times to narrow the

discourse of substance abuse to individuals which is parallel to previous research

findings of substance abuse in media (Hersey, 2005) and mediated portrayals of

other social issues (Kunkel et al., 2002; Pascale, 2005).

Even a cursory search for articles on substance abuse but not celebrity in

The New York Times’ website reveals news stories investigating the social

implications of substance abuse by reporting statistics and referring to previous

research studies. It appears that The New York Times does report on substance

abuse in social terms, but not if there is a presence of celebrity. However, since

celebrities are important cultural icons, using them to introduce larger issues of

substance abuse such as treatment versus criminalization would contribute to a

better understanding of, and conversation about, the realities of substance

abuse. While five stories demonstrated a thematic frame by using celebrity as a

segue to discuss the broader implications of substance abuse, the majority of the

articles presented substance abuse in a narrow, limiting framework. Instead,

reporting on the social implications of substance abuse and celebrity substance

abuse are distinctively different discourses whose paths do not intersect.

Potentially, the findings that The New York Times’ ideology on celebrity

substance abuse are ones that is limited to individual misfortune and poor

decision making are a result of looking at online news stories. Tewksbury and

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Althaus (2000) found that online readers are less likely to read international and

political news stories than print readers. Furthermore, the articles presented on

celebrity substance abuse are typically human interest stories. An exceeding

amount of research has demonstrated that online news consumers are more

focused on topics of personal interest with a reduced interest in public affairs

(Althaus & Tewksbury, 2002; Hamilton, 2004; Tewksbury, 2003). Clearly, this has

implications for news media fulfilling readers’ interests, and the perpetuation of

news outlets to continue discursive trends which highlight soft news and stories

of infotainment which often include scandal, sports, and entertainment (Deuze,

2005). Furthermore, delivering stories of infotainment about celebrities secures

the political economy of the newspaper and its readership. Certainly, the aim of

these articles is to aid in selling the newspaper, and focusing on celebrities and

other human interest stories seems to solidify The New York Times in the

newspaper market and stay parallel with readership demands.

In essence, media elites and journalists of The New York Times present

celebrity substance abuse as an individual problem which should be easy to

overcome. As a result, this ideology becomes naturalized. Stories on individual

accounts of substance abuse have become the hegemonic discourse, and are

common place within The New York Times. Marginalizing the social issues of

substance abuse and highlighting stories of infotainment in regards to substance

abuse enables The New York Times to remain dominant and demonstrates that

The New York Times has the power to control topics and content. News stories

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which entertain and contain celebrity scandal and deviance are cheap to

reproduce and are easy for readers to digest (Nunn & Biressi, 2010), thereby

aiding the political economy of The New York Times.

News Values

. While differences exist between news providers, in terms of

what stories are selected and how they will be covered, Galtung and Ruge

(1965) outlined 12 news values that can be used as core criteria in the selection

of news stories. These news values are story threshold, frequency, negativity,

unexpectedness, unambiguity, audience personalization, audience

meaningfulness, reference to elite nations, reference to elite persons,

consonance, continuity, and composition. While this analysis did not focus on all

news values, there are implications towards many of them. These news values

do not operate independently of one another, but instead share a cumulative

relationship.

For example, news values concerning clarity, elite people, and

personalization are very interdependent, specifically when celebrities are

involved in news stories. Hodkinson (2011) notes, for instance, that “celebrity

stories are particularly valuable” as they incorporate wealth and power with

“proximity and relevance to the lives of ordinary people” (p. 133). This certainly

relates to the dualism of stardom. Furthermore, while this notion of elite people

aid in making news stories, so do clarity and personification. When a news story

is clear and encapsulates one major idea or one person, audiences have the

ability to comprehend and utilize emotions towards individuals such as blame or

113

empathy (Hodkinson, 2011). Additionally, while clarity is a news value which

frames stories, so is personification. So when a story focuses on one individual,

they are more likely to be selected to be in the end news product. This is

exemplified within this analysis as all news stories were human interest pieces,

focusing on celebrities. This allows news stories to illustrate individual morals,

decisions, and behavior, thus maintaining an episodic frame in news stories.

Negativity is a news value which influences story selection as well.

Negative news story are likely to dominate the news agenda (Hodkinson, 2011).

In essence, The New York Times decided to report on negative consequences of

substance abuse and stories on addiction, rather than stories on recovery or

sobriety, the more positive aspect of substance abuse. In essence, it is news

values which link news stories to ideology. News stories derive from and

represent reflected news values, thereby producing news stories which are

constructed to reinforce an existing consensus, which is typically controlled by

the powerful individuals in charge of producing the news.

The ideal news story would include these news values in order to make

news and engage readers as stories must compete for space. However, apart

from focusing on elite people, personalization, story clarity and negativity, they

could also include statistical information regarding substance abuse and include

substance abuse stories from non-celebrities. Furthermore, to make the stories

more meaningful celebrity substance abuse news stories could include details on

recovery and contain discourses which include medical professionals.

114

Conclusion

To conclude, this research regarding celebrity substance abuse as

portrayed in The New York Times possesses many implications. Specifically, the

findings of this research reveals how The New York Times frames the discourse

of substance abuse within a limited framework and presents ideological

implications suggesting possible ways readers may think about substance abuse,

celebrities, and news media in general.

First, while The New York Times does not naturalize substance abuse by

demonstrating consequences of substance abuse, the framing of substance

abuse is constricted. While many articles depict substance abusers going to

treatment, many others emphasize substance abusers as deviants or criminals.

Additionally, instead of focusing on how to help substance abusers overcome

addictions, the emphasis was on personal substance abuse consequences.

Focusing on personal, isolated cases through episodic frames and not including

addiction experts or medical discourse in news stories further diminishes the

disease concept of addiction and exploits the stigma that substance abuse is an

individual, moral issue. This is further discerned by minimizing the impact that

substance abuse has on users’ physical health. Outside of death, articles rarely

demonstrate that substance abuse has a negative impact on physical and mental

health. Furthermore, images reify that substance abuse does not negatively

impact physical or psychological health.

115

Second, news stories regarding celebrity substance abuse possess

ideological implications for how celebrities are viewed. First, this analysis

demonstrates that celebrity news stories maintain the duality of celebrities.

Meaning that stories, including celebrity narratives about substance abuse, allow

celebrities to be viewed as normal individuals, although the use of celebrity

images, names, and careers continually cultivate the notion that they are unique

and extraordinary. In addition, this analysis exemplifies that there are differences

between celebrities, and the effect that substance abuse may have on a career is

different for professional athletes versus other celebrity professions. While this

may be a result of the role substance abuse has on the physical body, the idea

that substance abuse impacts the physical health of celebrities is evaded.

Despite these news stories containing accounts of celebrity deviance, they propel

the consumption of a celebrity culture and allow readers to negotiate a level of

intimacy or familiarity between themselves and the celebrity.

Lastly, since these news stories are human interest pieces which focus on

individual celebrities, the notion that there is a tabloidization of the hard news

market is confirmed. This analysis demonstrates that news stories are told in a

way which bolsters the concept of infotainment. The news values which are

being upheld encourage the continuance of isolated news stories focusing on

elite individuals, rather than situating them within a social context.

In summary, while readers may be entertained by news stories which

emphasize celebrities, spectacles and emotions, the largest implication is that

116

stories on celebrity substance abuse (and other infotainment pieces) are unlikely

to offer any knowledge or usefulness of the social or political world of substance

abuse. Instead of using celebrities as a bridge to inform and educate an

audience on the social implications of substance abuse, such as the political

economy of treating substance abuse in rehabilitation centers or through

incarceration, celebrities are vessels used to narrow the discussion around

substance abuse. They limit the scope of how substance abuse is viewed

socially, and perpetuate stereotypes and stigmas of substance abusers. Instead

of discovering causes, symptoms, or treatments of such health issues like

substance abuse, individuals are distracted by the limited ideologies presented in

print news media revolving around celebrity consumption and spectacle.

Limitations

All research has limitations, and this thesis is no exception. I only

analyzed celebrity substance abuse articles from one newspaper. Moreover, this

analysis was limited to an online version of a newspaper, and restricted to a one

year time span. An analysis of different newspapers, including print versions, and

increasing the publication date of article may yield different results. Furthermore,

while critical discourse analysis is a tool for critics to use to discover ideologies

presented in media texts, it does not account for other interpretations or audience

agency. Fiske (1987) suggests that texts are “open” and do not necessarily

contain one, easily attainable meaning. Therefore, as a result of the polysemic

117

nature of texts, while my goal was to discover the dominant meaning, other

interpretations are available.

In addition, while media are pervasive and have an influence on

individuals’ beliefs and attitudes, critics of cultivation theory have noticed a

changing landscape (McQuail, 2000; Perse, Ferguson, & McLeod, 1994). For

example, options for consuming media via internet and other technologies allow

for audiences to have more control over media consumption. However, no media

are free from ideology and while media selection may allow readers to choose

media content which is more congruent with their current beliefs and values it

does not negate the notion that media messages may have cultivation effects. In

fact, even if the media consumed reinforces and strengthens a reader’s

ideological beliefs as a result of selection, then cultivation theory is equally

applicable.

Future Research

Given these limitations, future research could expand upon this thesis by

further examining celebrity substance abuse across different media. By looking at

more than one newspaper or different news formats (online and print), a more

comprehensive depiction of how celebrity substance abuse is portrayed will be

available. Also, lengthening the time longer than the 2012 – 2013 year would

yield a larger sample size and help develop the understanding of celebrity

substance abuse in the media. Furthermore, researchers interested in mediated

118

portrayals of social health issues could examine how substance abuse is

portrayed in news media (print and online) without being under the constraints of

celebrities, thereby noting if the discourse around substance abuse changes.

Additionally, while this research provides a content representation of

celebrity substance abuse stories in The New York Times, it does not account for

potential interpretations by an active audience. Previous research (see, e.g.,

Morley, 1992; Radway, 1984) has demonstrated that audiences often interpret

media different than critics. As a result, future research which could include

audience work may lead to a more complete picture of the relationship between

celebrity substance abuse and audiences. This may be accomplished by holding

focus groups or using surveys in order to better comprehend audiences’

interpretations and understandings of celebrity substance abuse texts.

Regardless of future research endeavors, this analysis maintains meaning

for how print media portray celebrity substance abuse. Furthermore, celebrities

work as cultural units and individuals learn from the media. Therefore, how

celebrity substance abuse is portrayed in news media has a role in how

audiences think about and discuss celebrities and substance abuse together,

and as separate entities. As a result, the news stories presented in this analysis

depict an unrealistic view on substance abuse and celebrity status; one which

marginalizes the importance, conversation, and implications of substance abuse,

and instead, highlights and reveres the role of celebrity.

119

APPENDIX A

TYPES OF CELEBRITIES PRESENTED IN THE NEW YORK TIMES

120

Types of Celebrities

Number of Articles Representing Celebrity

Types

Actors/Actresses 8

Professional Athletes 8

Music Artists 7

Fashion Designers 2

Celebrity Chef 2

Politician’s Daughter 1

Artist 1

News-cast Anchor 1

Celebrity Relationship 1

Total

31 Articles

121

APPENDIX B

TYPES OF SUBSTANCES IDENTIFIED IN THE NEW YORK TIMES

122

Types of Substances

Number of Articles Mentioning Substances

Drugs and Alcohol

(unspecified)

Drugs Only 6

Alcohol Only 6

Specified Drugs (including

but not limited to cocaine,

heroin, marijuana,

methamphetamines and

pain killers)

Total

31 Articles

123

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