Ensuring that books are available to any child at any time of the
year will be a good first step in enhancing the reading achievement
of low-income students and an absolutely necessary step in closing
the reading achievement gap.
—Anne McGill Franzen and Richard Allington, 2009
It’s a well-established fact that the inequities in schools—lower
tax base to support schools in impoverished areas, shortages of
qualified teachers, lack of books and materials—hurt children in
high-poverty communities. The data from the National Household
and Education Survey (NHES) also demonstrates that children from
households with limited resources enter school at a disadvantage.
Researchers arrived at this conclusion by examining the data from
surveys given to the parents of children aged three to six in 1990,
1993, and 2007. The parents were asked whether their child could
complete specific school readiness tasks and the results were
troubling (see figure on page 50). Across all three years, “… children
from poorer families are less able to recognize their letters, count to
20, write their name, or read or pretend to read a book” (reported in
Lindsay, 2010; Child Trends data bank).
What might account for the differences in school readiness among
children with economic challenges and those free of financial
constraints? Researchers have examined multiple possibilities,
but two intertwined lines of research suggest a logical argument.
First, early literacy research across four decades, from Durkin
(1966) to Bus, van Ijezendoorn, and Pellegrini (1995) to Neuman
and Celano (2006), offer convincing evidence that the interactions
young children enjoy at home with their caregivers—especially
conversation and hearing stories read aloud—play a significant role
in academic success and beyond. Children who are read aloud to at
ACCESS TO BOOKS
”
“
1
Early
Literacy
2
Family
Involvement
3
Access to
Books
4
Expanded
Learning
5
Mentoring
Partnerships
Access to Books 49
Access to
Books
50 Family and Community Engagement Research Compendium
home develop a stronger vocabulary, more background knowledge,
better expressive and receptive language abilities, and stronger
phonological awareness and early literacy skills.
The second line of research centers on access to books. Children
from impoverished households have access to fewer books and
other reading materials than do their more financially stable peers.
Not only do poor children have fewer books in their homes, but they
also live in communities with fewer books in the classroom, school,
and public library. If their neighborhood even has a public library,
School Readiness Skills Reported by Parents of Children Ages 3–6:
Above Poverty Threshold and Below Poverty Threshold
40
35
30
25
20
15
10
5
0
Above Poverty
Below Poverty
Percentage of Parents
Year
Letter Recognition
1993 1999 2007
90
80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
Above Poverty
Below Poverty
Percentage of Parents
Pretend to Read (or Read)
1993 1999 2007
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
Above Poverty
Below Poverty
Percentage of Parents
Year
Write Name
1993 1999 2007
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
Above Poverty
Below Poverty
Percentage of Parents
Year
Year
Count to 20
1993 1999 2007
Copyright © Child Trends Databank. Used by permission.
Access to Books 51
“
If we wish to close the gap
between the rich and poor
in this nation and we know
where the gap grows and
widens, then it is criminal to
ignore it.
—Jim Trelease, 2007
”
they are likely to encounter reduced hours and limited funding for
replenishing and updating the collection (Neuman & Celano, 2001;
Krashen, 2012).
Drawing from the research, the argument follows this logical line
of thinking:
•
Children from less affluent families do not perform as well
on achievement tests compared to children of more affluent
families.
•
These gaps related to families’ socioeconomic status are
present even before children enter school.
•
Reading to young children is related to stronger subsequent
academic achievement.
•
Children in low-income families have access to fewer reading
materials than children of middle- and upper-income families
(Lindsay, 2010; Krashen, 2012).
Let’s look first at the price of a lack of access to books—and then
the advantages of access.
No Books and the Terrible Cost
When Neuman & Celano (2001) examined four neighborhoods, two
poor and two middle-income, they found “stark and triangulated
differences” in access to materials between them. Children in
middle-income neighborhoods had multiple opportunities to
observe, use, and purchase books (approximately 13 titles per
child); few opportunities were available for low-income children
who, in contrast, had approximately one title per 300 children.
Other avenues of access to print were also unavailable: school
libraries in poor communities were often closed, unlike thriving
libraries in middle-class schools, which featured 12 titles per child.
Public libraries were open only for brief hours in low-income
neighborhoods, compared with many open hours in middle-income
neighborhoods. Additionally, while middle-class day care centers
featured quality books for the children in their care, in low-income
neighborhoods, Neuman and Celano found on average fewer than
one to two books available per child; of those books, the majority
were mediocre or of poor quality.
In his study of book access in Los Angeles, USC professor emeritus
Stephen Krashen found that students attending schools in Beverly
Hills had access to eight times as many books in their classrooms as
students attending schools in the high poverty and largely African-
American communities of Watts and Compton. What’s more, the
Beverly Hills school libraries carried about three times as many titles,
and their public libraries carried roughly twice as many (2012).
ACCESS TO BOOKS
52 Family and Community Engagement Research Compendium
Because low-income children have limited access to books, they also
likely miss out on the stimulating parent-child interactions around
books and stories, in particular, the read-aloud. And without the
read-aloud, children are deprived of the opportunity to learn about
their world, acquire more sophisticated vocabulary beyond their
everyday language, and understand how decontextualized language
works, which is the beginning of abstracting information from print.
As Stanovich (1986) notes, in his classic model of the Matthew
Effect, the differences in these early opportunities become
“magnified over time so that less-skilled children have fewer
interactions with text than their more skilled peers.” Limited,
unrewarding experiences with reading add up and, ultimately,
children miss out on reading as a pleasurable meaning-making
experience with tremendous value and usefulness. Simply put,
the reading rich get richer and the reading poor miss out on more
academic growth with every passing year; children are caught in a
vicious cycle of intellectual deprivation.
Donald Hayes and Judith Grether (1983) investigated high-and low-
poverty students in 600 New York City Schools. They discovered a
seven-month difference in scores at the beginning of second grade,
Access to Books 53
but this widened to a difference of two years and seven months
by the end of Grade six. As Jim Trelease notes (2007), “… what
made this particularly striking was the research showing little or
no difference in these students’ achievement when school was in
session: … they learned at the same pace.” But all that changed once
the children entered sixth grade. As Hayes and Grether note:
The differential progress made during the four summers between
second and sixth grade accounts for upwards of 80 percent of the
achievement difference between economically advantaged … and
… the [economically disadvantaged] schools.
The Impact of Print
In an unprecedented search uncovering 11,000 reports and analyzing
108 of the most relevant studies, children’s book distribution and
ownership programs were shown to have positive behavioral,
educational, and psychological outcomes. The study— Children’s
Access to Print Materials and Education-Related Outcomes (2010)—
was commissioned by Reading Is Fundamental (RIF), the largest
children’s literacy nonprofit in the United States. As outlined by
Lindsay (2010), RIF, which receives federal funding to distribute
books to low-income children, contracted with Learning Point
Statistics: Access to Books Is the Key to
Successful Reading Development
Sixty-one percent of low-income families have no books at all in their homes for their
children. While low-income children have, on average, four children’s books in their homes,
a team of researchers concluded that nearly two-thirds of the low-income families they
studied owned no books for their children (US Dept. of Education, 1996).
Children in low-income families lack essential one-on-one reading time. The average
child growing up in a middle-class family has been exposed to 1,000 to 1,700 hours of
one-on-one picture book reading. The average child growing up in a less economically
stable family, in contrast, has only been exposed to 25 hours of one-on-one reading
(McQuillan, 1998).
The most successful way to improve the reading achievement of low-income children is to
increase their access to print. Communities ranking high in achievement tests have several
factors in common: an abundance of books in public libraries, easy access to books in the
community at large, and a large number of textbooks per student (Newman et al., 2000).
The only behavior measure that correlates significantly with reading scores is the
number of books in the home. An analysis of a national data set of nearly 100,000 United
States school children found that access to printed materials—and not poverty—is the
“critical variable affecting reading acquisition” (McQuillan, 1998).
ACCESS TO BOOKS
54 Family and Community Engagement Research Compendium
Associates to conduct “an objective and rigorous research synthesis
on the impact of print access on children’s attitudes, motivations,
reading behaviors, emergent literacy skills, and academic
achievement.” Their goal was two-fold: 1) to demonstrate for
policymakers probable impacts of the Inexpensive Book Distribution
Program (federal funding stream for RIF); and 2) to provide RIF
with information regarding target populations best served by these
programs and the program characteristics that produce the greatest
impact. In general, the findings show that providing children access
to print materials accomplishes the following:
•
Improves reading performance. Among the studies reviewed,
kindergarten students showed the biggest increase
•
Is instrumental in helping them learn the basics of reading, such
as letter and word identification, phonemic awareness, and
completion of sentences
•
Prompts them to read more frequently and for greater amounts
of time
•
Improves their attitudes toward reading and learning
The researchers also suggest that a reciprocal relationship may exist
between access and outcomes; in other words, providing interesting
written materials to children increases their reading behavior and
achievement, which then, in turn, further increases their desire to
read and acquire more books (McGill-Franzen, et al., 1999)
A Reading Culture in the Home
The mere presence of books profoundly impacts a child’s academic
achievement. From a study published in Research in Social
Stratification and Mobility comes the astonishing information that
just the mere presence of books profoundly impacts a child’s
academic achievement. Conducted over 20 years, the study by
Evans, Kelley, Sikorac, and Treimand (2010) surveyed more than
70,000 people across 27 countries and found the following:
•
Children raised in homes with more than 500 books spent
three years longer in school than children whose parents had
only a few books. According to the abstract, growing up in a
household with 500 or more books is “as great an advantage
as having university-educated rather than unschooled parents,
and twice the advantage of having a professional rather than an
unskilled father.”
•
The results suggest that children whose parents have lots of
books are nearly 20% more likely to finish college. Indeed, as a
predictor of college graduation, books in the home trump even
“
Young children who have
access to books in the
home and who are read
aloud to regularly have the
best chance of becoming
successful readers.
—Catherine Snow, Peg Burns, and
Susan Griffin, 1998
”
Access to Books 55
the education of the parents. And lest you think that only the
privileged with the means to purchase books reap the benefit
of books: not so. Even a child who hails from a home with 25
books will, on average, complete two more years of school than
would a child from a home without any books at all.
•
Regardless of how many books the family already has, each
addition to a home library helps the children get a little further
in school. But the gains are not equally great across the entire
range; rather, they are larger at the bottom, far below the elite
level, in getting children from modest families a little further
along in the first few years of school. Moreover, having books
in the home has a greater impact on children from the least
educated families, not on children of the university-educated
elite (Evans et al., 2010).
•
In general, the books help establish a reading or “scholarly
culture” in the home that persists from generation to generation
within families, largely independent of education and class.
This creates a “taste for books” and promotes the skills and
knowledge that fosters both literacy and numeracy and, thus,
leads to lifelong academic advantages.
The authors report, then, that their reading culture theory, backed
by evidence, leads to the following predictions:
•
First, because reading culture provides skills and knowledge
that promote literacy, it implies that parents’ participation in
reading culture will enhance children’s educational attainment
56 Family and Community Engagement Research Compendium
“
The mere presence of books
in the home profoundly
impacts a child’s academic
achievement.
—Jim Lindsay, Senior Research
Associate, 2010
”
in all societies, regardless of the parents’ formal education and
social class.
•
The results also support their prediction that an increase
in reading culture has the greatest impact on children from
families with little reading culture to begin with. It is at the
bottom, where books are rare, that each additional book
matters most: each additional book yields more “bang for your
book” among the book-poor than among the book-rich.
•
Finally, a reading culture in the home matters more if parents
are poorly educated, but matters less if parents are well
educated. In other words, the greatest impact of book access
occurs among the least educated and poorest families.
A note of caution: the authors write, “Our results do not in any way
imply that formal schooling cannot compensate for the absence of
scholarly culture in the home; but they do highlight the fact that
children from homes lacking in scholarly culture may require special
attention.”
Charles Bayless (2010) speaks also of a “reading culture” that
develops in homes when children are able to read and enjoy their
own books in their own environment:
The findings reveal what so many have both suspected and
innately known to be true—access to print materials does, in fact,
improve children’s reading skills, among other critical educational
factors. This research is conclusive evidence for educators,
parents, and communities to better understand the significance
of making print material available for children at school and in the
home. For the majority of young people, enthusiastic and habitual
reading is the single most predictive personal habit [leading
to] desirable life outcomes. Enthusiastic and habitual reading is
primarily a function of the family environment and culture, and it
is most effectively inculcated in the earliest years (0–6), but can
be accomplished at any age. Creating a reading culture can be
achieved objectively and through a series of specific behaviors
and activities undertaken by parents—but it requires access to
books, time, persistence, and consistency.
It’s All About the Books
Research from the Progress in International Reading Literacy Study
(PIRLS; Mullis & Martin, 2007) reports much of the same. Surveying
215,000 students across 40 countries, PIRLS 2006 was one of the
largest international assessments of reading literacy ever undertaken.
And results from this study, too, show a similar impact of books in the
home and the benefits of a home library and reading culture.
Home Activities Fostering Reading Literacy
•
The researchers found a positive relationship between students’
reading achievement at the fourth grade and parents having
Access to Books 57
“
”
engaged their children in early literacy activities before starting
school (e.g., reading books, telling stories, singing songs,
playing with alphabet toys, and playing word games).
•
The presence of children’s books in the home also continued to
show a strong positive relationship with reading achievement.
The average reading achievement difference between students
from homes with many children’s books (more than 100) and
those from homes with few children’s books (10 or fewer) was
very large (91 score points, almost 1 standard deviation). On
average across countries, there was a slight decrease in parents’
reports of the number of children’s books in the home, perhaps
reflecting increased access to Internet-based literacy media.
•
In PIRLS 2006, on average across countries, 37 percent of
the fourth-grade students had parents who read more than
five hours a week, 43 percent for one to five hours, and 20
percent for less than one hour a week. Not surprisingly, reading
achievement was highest for students whose parents had
favorable attitudes toward reading. In PIRLS 2006, on average
across countries, the majority of students (52%) had parents
with favorable attitudes.
Why Access to Books Matters So Much
When kids own books, they get this sense, “I’m a reader.” It’s very
powerful.
— Rebecca Constantino, UC Irvine Researcher, 2010
Donalyn Miller, sixth grade teacher in Keller, Texas, and author of
the best seller, The Book Whisperer, and the Teacher Magazine blog
of the same name, supports a 2,000-plus title library in her own
classroom, and makes sure her students enjoy daily in-class reading
of self-selected books for 20–30 minutes. Why? Because, as she
explains, “We teachers have more than enough anecdotal evidence
that the students who read the most are the best spellers, writers,
and thinkers. No exercise gives more instructional bang for the buck
than reading” (Miller, 2009, p. 55).
When it comes to the role of books and reading in increasing
reading achievement, the facts are indisputable. Extensive and
intensive reading supports not only high scores on reading
achievement tests but also a fulfilling and productive life. “For the
majority of young people, enthusiastic and habitual reading is the
single most predictive personal habit for the ability to achieve
desirable life outcomes” (Bayless, 2010). Effective and enthusiastic
reading does, as Scholastic CEO and President Dick Robinson
maintains, create a “better life.” The U.S. Department of Education
notes that avid, wide, daily reading is the most reliable path to the
ACCESS TO BOOKS
58 Family and Community Engagement Research Compendium
development of proficient readers; indeed,
there’s no other way to become a proficient
reader. No matter what we’re trying to get
proficient at (cooking, gardening, yoga), we
have to practice many, many hours; Malcolm
Gladwell (2008) maintains that 10,000 hours
is the magic number for optimal success.
No surprise, then, that students who read
voluntarily and extensively become proficient
readers. Indeed, research demonstrates a
strong correlation between high reading
achievement and hours logged inside a
book—or volume of reading.
How important are time and engagement
with books? The difference they make is
nothing short of miraculous. Engaged readers
spend 500% more time reading than do
their peers who aren’t yet hooked on books.
All those extra hours inside books they love
gives them a leg up in everything that leads
to a happy, productive life: deep conceptual
understanding of a wide range of topics,
expanded vocabulary, strategic reading ability,
critical literacy skills, and engagement with the
world that’s more likely to make them dynamic
citizens drawn into full civic participation. As
Mary Leonhart, author of 99 Ways to Get Kids
to Love Reading (1997), notes:
“The sophisticated skills demanded by
high-level academic or professional work—
the ability to understand multiple plots or
complex issues, a sensitivity to tone, the
expertise to know immediately what is crucial
to a text and what can be skimmed—can be
acquired only through years of avid reading.”
In a classic 1988 study, “Time Spent Reading
and Reading Growth,” Taylor, Frye, and
Maruyama found the amount of time children spend reading is
significantly related to their gains in reading achievement. They
asked 195 fifth- and sixth-grade children to keep daily logs of their
reading at home and at school over a four-month period. They
found that the amount of time spent reading during reading period
in school contributed significantly to gains in students’ reading
achievement as measured by reading comprehension scores on the
Gates-MacGinitie Reading Test, while time spent reading at home
approached significance. There is no doubt that providing students
with time to read enhances their reading ability.
Access to Books 59
•
While the best predictor of reading success is the amount of
time spent with books, reading achievement is also influenced
by the frequency, amount, and diversity of reading. Avid
readers are well acquainted with the joys of a good novel, but
they also enjoy reading for a variety of purposes—exploring
informational text, absorbing information to perform a task, or
sharing poetic text through a range of social media.
•
The primary difference between individual variations in
children’s vocabulary has to do with their exposure to text
and reading volume. That’s because oral language, compared
to written, is lexically impoverished. Children encounter much
richer language, replete with rare words, in the pages of
children’s picture books than they do engaged in conversation
with their parents or watching television. Rich, vibrant language
is readily available in books—but kids who don’t read don’t
access that language.
•
“The average child at the 90th percentile reads almost two million
words per year outside of school—more than 200 times more
words than the child at the 10th percentile, who reads just 8,000
words outside of school during a year. To put it another way,
the entire year’s out-of-school reading for the child at the 10th
percentile amounts to just two days of reading for the child at the
90th percentile. These dramatic differences, combined with the
lexical richness of print, act to create large vocabulary differences
between children” (Cunningham & Stanovich, 1998).
Sharing books, talking about them, and reading them aloud is
the greatest harbinger of success for our children in all areas,
particularly reading. Again and again, the challenges of poverty
notwithstanding, we find the most important indicator of our
students’ success—in school and beyond—is captured in the simple
question: Do they read?
Nowhere is access to books—and access to the intellectual benefits
they hold—more evident, perhaps, than in the phenomenon of the
so-called summer slide. What is it and what does it have to do with
access to books? Let’s find out.
The Summer Slide and the Solution
The “summer slide” or “summer reading setback” is a well-
established phenomenon (Alexander, Entwisle, & Olson, 2007;
Allington & McGill-Franzen, 2003; Cooper, Charleton, Valentine, &
Muhlenbruck, 2000). It refers to the decline in reading skills over
the few months when students have no access to school or books
to read. The decline is especially dramatic for students who are
economically deprived (Allington & McGill-Franzen, 2010).
“
Summer reading loss
accounts for at least 80
percent of the reading
achievement gap by ninth
grade.
—Richard Allington and
Anne McGill-Franzen, 2009
”
ACCESS TO BOOKS
60 Family and Community Engagement Research Compendium
Cooper et al. (2000) reviewed 39 studies of summer academic
loss and conducted a meta-analysis, which found that “middle-
class students appeared to gain on grade-level equivalent reading
recognition tests over summer while lower-class students lost on
them. There were no moderating effects for gender or race … .” They
concluded, “On average, summer vacations created a [reading] gap
of about three months between middle- and lower-class students.”
Entwisle (1997) used a fall-to-spring assessment schedule and found
that children who were more economically advantaged added 47
raw score points over a five-year period on summer vacation reading
achievement tests during elementary school years, whereas children
from financially strapped homes added only one point. As Allington,
McGill-Franzen, Camilli, Williams, Graff, and Zeig (2007) explain,
Entwisle (1997) developed a faucet theory to explain the disparity.
When the school faucet is turned on—that is, when schools are in
The Summer Slide
A quick compilation of additional facts and figures outlines the challenge, consequences,
and solution:
•
Summer learning shortfall experienced by low-income children in the elementary grades
has consequences that reverberate throughout children’s schooling, and can affect
whether a child ultimately earns a high-school diploma and continues on to college
(Alexander et al., 2007).
•
Two-thirds of the achievement gap between lower- and higher-income youth can be
explained by unequal access to summer learning opportunities (Alexander et al., 2007).
At best, students showed little or no academic growth over summer. At worst, students
lost one to three months of learning (Cooper et al., 2000).
•
New research indicates that sending books home with children over the summer yields
great achievement gain and is less expensive and less extensive than providing summer
school or engaging in comprehensive school reform (Allington & McGill-Franzen, 2008).
•
Children who receive and read free books over the summer experience the equivalent of
attending three years of summer school—and the difference in fall reading scores is twice
as high among the poorest children in the study (Allington & McGill-Franzen, 2008).
•
Reading four to five books during the summer is potentially powerful enough to prevent
a decline in reading achievement from spring to fall (Kim, 2004).
•
Children who read as few as six books over the summer break can maintain their reading
skills at a level achieved in the preceding school year (Allington & McGill-Franzen, 2008).
•
When children are provided with 10 to 20 self-selected children’s books at the end of the
regular school year, as many as 50 percent not only maintain their skills, but also actually
make reading gains (Allington & McGill-Franzen, 2008).
•
Students who read for fun almost every day outside of school score higher on the NAEP
assessment of reading achievement than children who read for fun only once or twice
a week (Mullis, Campbell, and Farstrup, 1993).
Access to Books 61
session—children of every economic background benefit roughly
equally, but when the school faucet is turned off, as during summer
vacations, reading proficiency among children from economically
advantaged families continues to develop, whereas no similar
growth is observed in economically disadvantaged children.
And over a number of years, the accumulated summer loss adds
up to a serious achievement gap between children with means
(and books) and children without. Hayes and Grether (1983), using
achievement data from the New York City public schools, estimated
that as much as 80 percent of the reading achievement gap that
existed between economically advantaged and disadvantaged
students at sixth grade could be attributed to summer setback. More
recently, Alexander and others (2007) reported similar findings.
Allington and McGill-Franzen (2010) sum it up:
In other words, each of these studies suggested that summer
reading setback is a major contributor to the existing reading
achievement gap between more and less economically
advantaged children— reading activity is the only factor that
consistently correlated to reading gains during the summer.
The Allington–McGill-Franzen Study
For three consecutive years, Richard Allington and his team
conducted a longitudinal study that sheds new light on the existing
data. Working with more than 1,000 first and second graders in the
treatment group and a control group of 631 students who didn’t
receive books, Allington and associates invited the children to self-
select 12 trade books to bring home and keep.
Allington and team found that providing easy access to self-selected
books for summer reading over successive years does, indeed, limit
summer reading setback. Analyzing data they collected on a literacy
habits survey, they gathered convincing evidence that children in
their study engaged in more reading activity during the summer
months than their peers who didn’t receive books, and the results
on the state reading assessment indicated a statistically significant
effect for those children who had access to books over the summer
months. The effects were even larger for children from the most
economically disadvantaged homes.
Access to Books
Why does having access to even a relatively small set of books seem
to make such a big difference? Allington and McGill-Franzen (2010)
explain:
The self-teaching hypothesis put forward by Share and Stanovich
(1995) suggests one reason why voluntary reading, during
the summer or otherwise, would work to enhance reading
“
Access to books coupled
with minimal family and
teacher support enables low
SES [socioeconomic status]
students to counter 100%
of the typical summer
reading loss.
—Richard Allington and
Anne McGill-Franzen, 2008
”
ACCESS TO BOOKS
62 Family and Community Engagement Research Compendium
development. According to the self-teaching hypothesis, each
successful decoding encounter with an unfamiliar word provides
an opportunity to acquire word-specific orthographic information.
Such acquisition then influences reading automaticity and fluency
and, perhaps, comprehension and general reading development.
What’s more, we’ve known for a long time of the strong link
between reading volume and reading proficiency. Volume of
reading is critical in the development of reading proficiency;
volume is defined as a combination of the time students spend
reading plus the numbers of words they actually consume as they
read (Allington, 2012; Guthrie, 2004).
The U.S. Department of Education maintains that independent
reading is a widely recognized precursor to
•
Better skills acquisition
•
Superior grades
•
Desirable life related to income, profession, employment, and
other attributes (2005)
Clearly, when children spend a good chunk of their summer lost in
books and reading, they are logging the hours of reading practice
that ultimately lead to proficiency.
Access to Books 63
“
Reading volume …
significantly affects …
general knowledge of the
world, overall verbal ability,
and academic achievement.
—John Shefelbine, 2000
”
•
It is during successful, independent reading practice that
students consolidate their reading skills and strategies and
come to own them. Without extensive reading practice, reading
proficiency lags (Allington, 2012).
•
Students who read widely and frequently are higher achievers
than students who read rarely and narrowly (Guthrie, 2004;
Atwell, 2007).
•
Increased frequency, amount, and diversity of reading activity
increases background knowledge and reading achievement.
(Worthy & Roser, 2010; Guthrie, 2004).
•
The volume of independent silent reading students do in school
is significantly related to gains in reading achievement (Swan,
Coddington, & Guthrie, 2010; Hiebert & Reutzel, 2010).
•
Adolescents’ and young adults’ engagement in reading,
including the amount of time they spend reading and the
diversity of materials they read, is closely associated with test
performance and reading ability (Kirsch, deJong, Lafontaine,
McQueen, Mendelovits, & Monseur, 2002).
•
Fourth graders in the United States do better academically
when they … have greater access to books and other reading
materials in their environment (National Center for Education
Statistics, 2005).
The Lasting Consequences of the Summer Setback
While much of the summer slide research has focused on the
elementary grades, researchers from Johns Hopkins University used
data from the Baltimore Beginning School Study to examine the
long-term educational consequences of summer learning difference
by family socioeconomic level. They examined student achievement
scores from ninth grade back to first and concluded that the
achievement gap between the student haves and have-nots is
largely due to the differences in access to books and, consequently,
to the summer slide. They also suggest that the students who are
affected by the summer slide and a developing achievement gap
are also less likely to complete and graduate from high school and
attend a four-year college (Alexander et al., 2007). (For an overview
of the downward spiraling effect of the summer slide, see table on
page 64.)
The negative consequences are devastating for individual students,
but, in truth, their collective setback affects us all—often leading
to higher dropout rates, lost earnings and tax revenues, increased
need for public assistance, and the like. We need to find ways to get
books into our students’ hands and into their homes, because it’s the
right thing to do. But it’s also a smart financial investment; the return
on investment—on multiple levels—is hugely significant.
ACCESS TO BOOKS
64 Family and Community Engagement Research Compendium
Summer reading loss is cumulative. Children who missed out over
the summer months don’t catch up in the fall because, meanwhile,
their peers have been moving even further ahead with their skills.
By the end of sixth grade, children who have repeatedly fallen
behind in reading skills over the summer are two years behind their
classmates. It is for this reason that some researchers estimate that
one-half to two-thirds of the achievement gap for diverse students
living in poverty is the result of summer learning loss (Alexander et
al., 2007; Cooper et al., 2000; McGill-Franzen & Allington, 2003).
Access to Books & Return on Investment
FACT
The cost of summer school intervention was estimated at $1,500 per student
annually, while the cost of the books supplied in the Allington intervention
was approximately $50 per student annually.
The cost of getting a high school dropout back to school and through to
graduation is $13,000 a year, or roughly $33,000 total.
On average, over the course of his or her working life, a high school dropout
receives $71,000 more in cash and in-kind benefits than he or she pays
in taxes. The societal costs may include imprisonment, government-paid
medical insurance, and food stamps.
In contrast, high school graduates pay $236,000 more in taxes than they
receive in benefits, and college degree holders pay $885,000 more in taxes
than they receive.
Lifetime earnings of dropouts totaled $595,000, the study found, compared
to $1,066,000 earned by high school graduates and $1,509,000 by those with
a two-year junior college degree.
In Illinois, the fifth-most-populous U.S. state, with nearly 13 million residents,
11.5 percent of adults aged 19 to 24 left school without earning a high school
diploma, and in Chicago that figure reached 15 percent.
•
The highest dropout rates were among African American and Hispanic
men, at as high as 30 percent.
High school dropouts accounted for 51 percent of the Illinois prison
population, the study found.
•
The cost of housing an inmate is $22,000 annually, and adds up to more
than $1 billion a year for the 46,000 prisoners being held in the state,
according to state statistics.
•
Among men aged 18 to 34, 15 percent of the dropouts were in prison,
an incarceration rate that was five times higher than that of high school
graduates.
RESEARCH
Cost of High School
Dropouts Draining U.S.
Taxpayer (U.S. DoE, 2011)
Allington, R. et al. (2007).
Ameliorating summer
reading setback among
economically disadvantaged
elementary students. Paper
presented at the American
Educational Research
Association, Chicago.
Sum, A. et al. (2011). High
school dropouts in Chicago
and Illinois: The growing
labor market, income, civic,
social, and fiscal costs of
dropping out of high school.
Boston, MA. Northeastern
University.
Sum, A. et al. (2011). The
consequences of dropping
out of high school:
joblessness and jailing for
high school dropouts and
high cost for taxpayers.
Boston, MA. Northeastern
University.
Access to Books 65
Access to Books & Return on Investment (continued)
FACT
For every $1 of lifetime tax payment by a high school dropout in Rhode
Island, high school graduates are expected to pay $1.45, college-educated
residents without a bachelor’s degree are expected to pay $1.76, and those
with a bachelor’s degree and master’s or a higher academic degree are
expected to pay $2.29 and $3.33, respectively.
The mean lifetime tax payment of a high school dropout is less than half
of the mean lifetime tax payment of all state residents ($368,000 versus
$769,000).
Adult Rhode Island residents who were high school dropouts are expected
to pay only $0.84 in taxes for every $1 of the cost that they impose on the
government from cash or non-cash transfers and incarceration between the
ages of 16 and 64.
Each high school dropout in Rhode Island is estimated to impose a lifetime
cost (net fiscal impact) of $72,000 due to their smaller tax payments and
higher government transfers and institutionalization costs. Each high school
graduate (without any college education) is expected to make a net positive
fiscal contribution of $317,000 over his or her working life.
If we could reduce the current number of dropouts by just half, we would
yield almost 700,000 new graduates a year, and the investment in their
education would more than pay for itself.
Studies show that the typical high school graduate will obtain higher
employment and earnings—an astonishing 50 to 100 percent increase in
lifetime income—and will be less likely to draw on public money for health
care and welfare and less likely to be involved in the criminal justice system.
Further, because of the increased income, the typical graduate will contribute
more in tax revenues over his lifetime than if he’d dropped out.
When the costs of investment to produce a new graduate are taken into
account, there is a return of $1.45 to $3.55 for every dollar of investment,
depending upon the educational intervention strategy. Under this estimate,
each new graduate confers a net benefit to taxpayers of about $127,000 over
the graduate’s lifetime.
This is a benefit to the public of nearly $90 billion for each year of success
in reducing the number of high school dropouts by 700,000—or something
close to $1 trillion after 11 years.
Proven educational strategies that increase high school completion provide
returns to the taxpayer that are as much as three and a half times their cost.
Investing our public dollars wisely to reduce the number of high school
dropouts must be a central part of any strategy to raise long-run economic
growth, reduce inequality, and return fiscal health to our federal, state, and
local governments.
RESEARCH
The Fiscal Consequences
of Dropping Out of High
School in Rhode Island
(2008) (Kids Count Rhode
Island, 2009)
The True Cost of High
School Dropouts (Levin &
Rouse, 2012)
ACCESS TO BOOKS
66 Family and Community Engagement Research Compendium
What Our Children Need
Senator Ted Kennedy once suggested that, together with food
stamps, we issue “book stamps” to parents for them to trade in for
appropriate books for their children. In order to thrive academically
and beyond, children need abundant access to a wide variety of
books and reading material. To make this happen, we need:
•
Local, state, and federal intervention to keep quality libraries
open in low-income neighborhoods (Neuman & Celano, 2001,
2006)
•
Local, state, and national book giveaway programs, or access to
inexpensive but high-quality children’s literature such as that in
Scholastic’s Read and Rise or R.E.A.L.
•
Widespread dissemination—to schools, community partners,
and families—of the message that the summer slide is real, yet
can be prevented with a book-distribution program that brings
together kids and books. Such a program is easy, efficient, and
relatively inexpensive to implement, but the difference it makes
is incalculable
“
So many inner-city children
never leave the five-block
radius of their home. Books
can give them another world.
—Access Books, Southern California
Book Giveaway Program, 2010
”
Access to Books 67
“
A good first step in addressing
root causes of the reading
achievement gap, in our view,
would be for schools, with
or without federal dollars, to
work hard to ensure that every
child, both rich and poor,
has easy access all summer
long to books they can and
want to read.
—Richard Allington and
Anne McGill-Franzen, 2009
”
As stated at the outset, despite broad evidence of a reading
achievement gap and its correlation with economic disparity in the
United States, educational initiatives at local, state, or federal level
have been largely lacking. Ignoring this problem comes at a huge
cost to the economic and social well-being of the nation.
One immediate response to the reading achievement gap should be
to provide access to books. We should make it a national priority
that all children from all backgrounds have easy access year-round—
at home and at school—to the books they want to read.
In Sum
In 2009, in an article for Teachers College Record, Richard Allington
and Anne McGill-Franzen sounded the alarm:
Summer reading loss accounts for at least 80 percent of the
reading achievement gap by 9th grade. Yet almost no federal or
state programs or school district initiatives target summers as
key to closing the achievement gap loss. As we all know, the gap
in reading achievement between economically disadvantaged
students and other students in American schools is substantial
and to our dismay, stubbornly persistent. According to the NAEP
data for high school seniors, that gap is roughly four years in
reading achievement, with poor twelfth graders scoring almost
identically to more advantaged eighth graders.
One immediate response to the reading achievement gap is
access to books. We should make it a national priority that all
children from all backgrounds have easy access year-round—at
home and at school—to all the books they want to read.
ACCESS TO BOOKS
